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It represents two aspects of the disaster: catastrophe and resilience. The Chinese government decided to make the ruined village into a memorial park and create a new village for the survivors.

In doing so, it emphasized the quick recovery from the disaster, which turned dark tourism into red tourism for the sake of celebrating the Communist Party s victory over the disaster.

The Balinese subak is built on the balance of nature, man, and gods tri hita karana , where water from the mountain is used for the rice fields. However, this balance could be broken not only by natural disasters earthquakes and volcanic eruptions but by man-made ones as well particularly the overuse of water and water pollution caused by mass tourism.

This may be termed an environmental disaster that is proceeding much slower than an earthquake or eruption. The World Heritage site in Bergama, Turkey is concerned with the multi-layered cultural landscape. Therefore, the disaster risk management plan for its sustainable heritage tourism should pay special attention to its multi-cultural dimensions. This is important because a World Heritage is not a national heritage, but actually an intercultural and international one.

Bergama illustrates this. By examining these cases together in a comparative framework, we could make a comprehensive disaster risk management system for sustainable heritage tourism. In this comparative framework, both Mt. Fuji and the Balinese subak should be understood as representing a subtle balance between nature and culture, sacred and profane, and preservation and development.

In particularly, the Balinese case represents a slow or environmental disaster. The Chinese government created New Beichuan as a village for disaster survivors, while making the devastated Old Beichuan into a disaster memorial park for tourism. This is in sharp contrast with Bergama, where the city is expected to preserve its multi-layered cultural history. Conclusion The tourism industry is particularly vulnerable to disasters.

However, disasters natural or man-made are unavoidable. Therefore, we must protect ourselves by enhancing disaster risk management systems. This paper discussed this issue by taking the examples of Mt. Fuji in Japan, the Beichuan Earthquake Memorial in China, the cultural landscape of Bali, and the multi-layered cultural landscape of Bergama from our ongoing research project on World Heritage sites and disaster mitigation for sustainable heritage tourism in Asia.

A political ecology of water equity and tourism: A case study from Bali. Indonesia and the Malay World 96, pp [4] Radt, W.

Pergamon, Archaeological guide. It has also become more important in the life of modern cities and, consequently, is often a powerful factor in urban transformations. The positive and negative aspects of these transformations are becoming increasingly visible. The study contributes to the literature on tourism by proposing the concept of the 'Venice syndrome', which paves the way for a multi-dimensional, multifaceted and open-ended consideration of the dysfunctional negative changes induced by tourism development in the urban morphological spatial , social and economic system.

The case study of Cracow Old Town shows the character and scale of the problems observed in Polish historical cities, with emphasis on the context of the touristification trajectory in this part of Europe. The dysfunctions resulting from tourism development are becoming real problems in the functioning of both small and large stable urban systems. According to R. Merton, diagnosing them correctly may help in bringing a positive change, as well as in a better understanding of the impacts of tourism on a city.

Keywords: Tourism, tourism development, impact of tourism, dysfunction, heritage city, Venice syndrome, Venice, Cracow Introduction As it has increased in scale and diversity, contemporary tourism has become both a major bringer, and result, of globalisation, socio-economic modernisation and broad cultural changes. At the same time, it is increasingly becoming a catalyst to these transformations. In neo-liberal societies, tourism has become a central part of personal identity and has developed significantly, to now be a quintessential feature of mass consumer culture and modern life [Wearing, Foley ].

Additionally, the role it plays in the life of cities, those of both developed and developing economies, has also increased. As a consequence, in many cases, tourism has become a powerful factor in urban transformations, especially in culturally valuable cities, referred to as heritage cities [Ashworth ] or historical cities [Jansen-Verbeke ].

The positive and negative aspects of these transformations are becoming increasingly visible, and the rate at which they are taking place is growing as they become enhanced by new tourism processes, especially those powered by ICT and PTP networking. In the so-called post-tourism era, these processes are transforming tourism, tourism studies and destinations including heritage cities [Russo, Richards ]. Jansen-Verbeke [] stressed that a major challenge for researchers and planners is to understand how tourism is gradually reshaping historical cityscapes and how a web of tourism-related agents, global and local, is designing the future of cities.

Identifying the changes induced by tourism in the whole urban system becomes a key issue, not only from the urban planning perspective. According to M. Mika [], the tangible cultural heritage of cities is the most visible element diversifying their tourism potential, especially in light of the fact that urban structures and landscapes are becoming ever more homogeneous [Russo, Richards ]. The present demand for heritage has become a reason to create or recreate objects of heritage.

However, the demands of tourists are constantly fluctuating, which leaves the historical urban fabric of historical cities insufficient to maintain their touristic attractiveness.

At the same time, the majority of heritage destinations, particularly their central districts, are affected by other global, national or local economic and socio-demographic processes depopulation, population ageing which often prevent development.

Contemporary cases of the social and economic stimulation of heritage cities and historical city centres most often through tourism centre around presenting them to tourists in an innovative way, by combining historical values with a wide range of shops, hotels and street cultural events festivalisation Cudny ; eventisation Smith ; event tourism Getz, Page The diversity of forms and business models in trade- and gastronomy-related activity combine with the historical urban fabric to add new value to tourism spaces [28].

At the same time, 34721ew uses and new users of historical elements made cultural heritage an intrinsic part of the living environment and hence a catalyst for creativity [Jansen-Verbeke ]. Caring about the quality and competitiveness of a tourism space implies preserving its assets, developing tourist infrastructure and the urban aesthetic, constantly enriching and diversifying the space, and increasing the area s accessibility for business and maximising the extent of time for which it is available i.

As a result, the commercialisation of heritage buildings and spaces becomes unavoidable. Nowacki [] aptly remarks in his comment on heritage changes and its references to tourism, heritage often says more about present times than about the past, and its contemporary economic potential largely results from its tourism development potential. Since the 19th century, this has led to the domination of what is known as Authorised Heritage Discourse [Smith ], which emphasises the material nature of heritage and enhances the heritage industry which develops as a result of the commercialisation, sanitisation and commodification of history and the selling of heritage as a market product [Hewison in: Nowacki ].

Such an approach unfortunately dominates in contemporary conservation policies, city marketing strategies and place branding place as tourist destination.

Heritage is rarely perceived as a social and cultural process [Smith ], especially with reference to heritage cities. The approach to heritage as a form of cultural capital and a way of forming social bonds also by promoting heritage , which is important for creating and transforming the society and its culture [Nowacki ], usually does not get beyond the stage of comprehensive theoretical deliberations.

This trend includes publications regarding heritage cities, e. Over the past 40 years, the conceptualisation of historical cities and urban settlements has progressed from considering mainly the tangible fabric, to including a city s social, cultural and economic values [Ost ].

When we strive for sustainable development, it is obvious that development and protection of the qualities of a historical built environment need to be supported by physical, social, cultural and economic conditions and with consensus among stakeholders [Jansen-Verbeke ].

Nevertheless, the discrepancy between theory and practice is deepening. Examples of heritage cities, both small ones like Bruges, Carcassone, Mont St.

Michel, or Kazimierz Dolny in Poland whose functions and development are determined by tourism, and metropolitan centres like Rome, Amsterdam, Cracow where heritage and tourism by definition perform secondary functions, show that they are undergoing intensive tourismification 1 [Jansen-Verbeke 1 According M.

Jansen-Verbeke [] tourismification referring to a growing impact of the tourism system , ] which increasingly often disturbs not only the historical cohesion of the urban fabric and landscape, but also the urban system.

As regards heritage cities, the transformations induced by tourism may take place, with different intensities, in all aspects of the functioning of the city from morphology and tangible fabric, through economy and culture to public life [e.

In extreme situations, the formation of a tourism monoculture leads to the outflow of inhabitants Venice or deregulation of the urban economy Barcelona. This study aspires to overcome past research neglect. The aim of the paper is to shed more light on the changes induced by tourism development in the morphological spatial , social and economic system of a historical city.

The secondary aim is to propose the concept of the Venice syndrome, which paves the way for a multi-dimensional, multifaceted and open-ended consideration of the dysfunctional effects of tourism development. Next, the Venice syndrome will be applied to Polish heritage cities especially Cracow in order to show the specificity and intensity of dysfunctions implicated by the development of contemporary tourism in Poland.

The article is a conceptual essay, an academic reflection on the influence of contemporary tourism on transformations in historical cities. The name of the concept presented herein emphasises the selected case study, Venice, where tourism pressure is among the strongest in the world and the tourist brand is among the best recognisable of European cities. In order to maintain methodological rigour and apply extreme case sampling [Yin ] to verify the universal character of the Venice syndrome concept on the example of a Polish historical city, the author chose to make the second case study on Cracow a city which fully represents the studied phenomenon.

The research is based mainly on secondary sources reports 2, scientific journals, documents, etc. The article consists of several main parts. The first presents while touristification referring to the growing impact of tourists and their activities. In the second part, the author specifies the research aims, methods and techniques. The next part presents the assumptions of the Venice syndrome concept and a detailed description of dysfunctions in relation to three aspects of the urban system social, spatial and economic.

Next, using the example of the Old Town in Cracow, the author presents the types and scales of negative changes observed in Polish historical cities, confirming at the same time the geographical context, which is important in this concept. The article ends with conclusions regarding the need to take into account the tourism trajectories of cities, and regarding the study of tourism development dysfunctions.

It should be understood as an unwanted, pathological effect in the development of a tourist city which manifests in the experiences of and interrelations between tourists, inhabitants, decision-makers city authorities and beneficiaries of tourism development. The symptoms of the Venice syndrome may appear with varying force, at different times and in different circumstances.

The syndrome includes features, regularities and qualities connected with the functioning of the city in all its dimensions. As was said earlier, it mainly concerns small heritage cities, but also the historical cores of large urban centres.

The Venice syndrome : concept and functional planes A syndrome is a a symptom, characteristic, or set of symptoms or characteristics indicating the existence of a condition, problem, etc. HarperCollins Publishers]. Meanwhile, dysfunctions, in the words of R.

Merton, are negative effects of the activity of individuals, social groups or institutions elements on the whole social system [Suliborski Long-lasting dysfunctions may lead to pathology [Pasieczny, Glinka ]. To put it another way, dysfunctions may be treated as mechanisms which disturb proper function, or the negative results of such mechanisms.

In the article, these concepts are viewed from the perspective of heritage city functions [Ashworth ]. The author uses the term Venice syndrome to define a set of dysfunctions caused by tourism development in a heritage city. Considering the influence of tourism on the residents and the city, the Venice syndrome affects various planes on which the city functions the economic, spatial, social, socio-cultural and psychological Fig.

The dysfunction matrix above relates to a situation in which the tourist traffic permanently exceeds the threshold tourist carrying capacity. Vulnerability to dysfunction increases as a function of the strength of a city s tourist brand, international recognisability and good accessibility by transport, especially by plane. The coincidence of the term Venice syndrome and the title of A.

Plichter s film [] makes it easier to understand, illustrate and interpret the controversial phenomenon. Identification of dysfunctions is difficult, but possible and recommendable. Robert K. The Venice syndrome may occur at many levels and with varying intensities. It is not based on one specific, episodic Figure 1 Venice syndrome dimensions of dysfunctions tourism development [30].

As is shown by the example of Venice in the OECD report [], tourism may be the growth lever of a whole region, as in this case in the provinces of Venice, Padua and Treviso, along the Venetian Lagoon and on the archipelago of islands. What, however, can tourism development mean in the long run for the inhabitants of a historical city which uses tourism intensification of tourism as a way to grow? As shown by A. Russo [], it may bring many problems, some of which may be irreversible and truly dangerous to the inhabitants.

The city is a home for all its inhabitants and a place of work for many of them. Thus, even on the individual scale, we may talk of an urban space having a dual character as a social space and as a production industry and services space.

Both these spaces permeate and influence each other, and at the same time determine the standard of living in the city. Can tourism development affect them, and, if so, how? What dysfunctions may affect the public space the space shared by the inhabitants of a historical city?

The intensification of tourist traffic to cultural assets in the historical centre, especially that of one-day visitors and false excursionists Russo , increasingly hampers and limits use of the city s public space, especially its transport infrastructure overcrowding, traffic jams, parking difficulties and of its space and recreational facilities Fig.

As indicated by many authors, crowding in particular is seen as a violation of the socio-cultural carrying capacity [Neuts, Nijkamp, ]. Eventification [Smith ] and festivalisation [Cudny ], and the associated development of the city s exogenous recreational function alongside its traditional, endogenous recreational function, focused on the inhabitants and their needs , are evidence of the functional model of urban tourist attractions changing.

This model has shifted towards economic rationality, including the formation of the nightscape and the hour city, and is accompanied by growing commercialisation, exploitation and distortion of culture, heritage and public space. Many of these processes are accelerated by the pressure of pop culture, inseparable from the growing globalisation and multidimensional McDonaldisation of societies [Ritzer ].

They are also conducive to popularising tourism on the one hand, but on the other, also to the standardisation of ways to spend leisure time.

This, in turn, leads to local communities losing their identity and the heritage city losing its genius loci socio-cultural space of the city spirit. The direct and indirect costs of increasing tourism in the city are paid mostly by local communities. The inhabitants point to the growing inconveniences, diminishing sense of security and public-order-related problems which result from a different mass use of public space.

The intensification of tourist traffic causes a gradual worsening of the local community s everyday living conditions. At the same time, we observe inflation of prices stimulated by tourist rents, and an increase in the cost of living.

According to A. Russo [], the delegation of the external costs to Venice inhabitants, as is visible in the growing municipal costs, including hidden costs, e. The increasing cost of living results in a housing crisis, aggravated by the demographic phenomenon of aging city populations in Western societies. It is difficult for older inhabitants to keep their flats alternatively, they may sell or let them, which is included in the assumptions of sharing economy.

Young people cannot afford to buy a flat. As a result, both groups are forced to leave the city and change their way of life.

The outflow of inhabitants is also an effect of decreasing earnings, after an initial increase in the early stages of tourism intensification. This is because tourism gradually pushes out other economic activities from the city the historical core , as is clearly visible in Bruges and Florence.

As regards the historical centre of Venice, J. Later, the same process takes place in the activity of the tourism market [Russo ], when local and high-quality products are gradually replaced with cheap, standard ones e. Local producers are replaced by external ones, often hired by global investors [Derek ]. For the local community, this initially means narrowing the work possibilities outside the tourism sector and also, with time, reducing earnings and quality of work and life.

At the same time, the grey economy sector and economic migration grow in Venice, the migrants arrive mostly from Romania, Morocco, Albania and Bangladesh OECD report, The inhabitants are pushed increasingly to the margins of public life.

Their needs and interests become less important than the needs of tourists and the beneficiaries of tourismification. The sense of being physically and psychologically ousted from their home increases. As early as a decade ago, in cities such as Salzburg, Toledo, Bruges and Venice, tourist pressure became the source of conflict between tourism stakeholders and the rest of the population [Russo ].

This conflict is often verbalised [31]. Anti-tourism protests, increasingly being organised by inhabitants, are a manifestation of these relations. Every day, although the historical centre of Venice has nearly 60, residents, there is more than double that number of city users, due to the addition of tourists, students and commuters. The long-lasting social, socio-cultural and psychological dysfunctions described above lead to a disadvantageous situation.

The imbalanced and dynamic development of tourism not only considerably lowers the quality of life of the local community, but also enhances depopulation processes. Venice statistics show a decrease in the population of the Old City the central municipality of Venice, excluding Murano and Burano from , in to about 56, in [Vianello ]. Those who stay are mainly elderly people in the historical centre of Venice, about one third of the local community are over 60 , whose voice and power of self-determination are getting weaker and weaker.

Some demographic estimates show that by , there may be no autochthonous inhabitants in Venice. The changing social structure of the city is shaped, on the one hand, by the shrinking and ageing traditional community, which earlier determined the identity of the city, and, on the other, by the appearance of new inhabitants, who are often culturally alien or stay only occasionally in their luxury residences.

What we can observe is the gradual disintegration of social bonds, an identity crisis and a growing risk of declining tradition and culture factors which are fundamental to cultural tourism in a heritage city.

The Venice syndrome the historical urban fabric What negative changes take place in the city space especially in its historical fabric, which is the core of the cultural tourism product as a result of excessive tourism intensification? Based mainly on the widely studied Venice laboratory, the author chose those tourism development dysfunctions implicating changes in urban space, especially in the material fabric of the historical centre, which have a universal character and at the same time enable us to consider the Venice syndrome in physical and spatial terms Fig.

Russo [], the first visual sign of excessive tourism is saturation, i. This causes supplementary tourist activity to spread beyond the city centre new hotels, transport terminals , or even outside the city limits, while tourist activity intensifies permanently in the centre. As a consequence, the biggest beneficiary of tourism development in the city is the region around it it is where tourists spend most money, paying, e.

According to F. Apart from the inconveniences suffered by the inhabitants, this concentration causes excessive amounts of trash, littering of the area and devastation of tangible heritage. The escalating physical and aesthetic damage to the public space is accompanied by its deterioration e. Most of the soaring costs of solving these problems are covered by the city municipal costs , which sells its historical property in order to raise the necessary financial resources.

We see the privatisation and commodification of public space, resources and infrastructure, e. They not only change owners, but first of all change function from public to private, and often related to tourism or luxury commerciality.

In , the historical complex of the Central Post Office was sold to the Benetton Company, depriving the inhabitants of a basic service. We can observe a tendency towards the liberalisation of conservation regulations Venice, Bruges. Physical manifestations of tourism gentrification e.

The growing depreciation of the authentic historical urban fabric and its symbolism may lead to the degradation and banalisation of the space and landscape of a historical city, as well as to the complete disappearance of its authenticity [the disneyfication of heritage Cosgrove ]. It may also destroy the image and reputation of the city [Van der Borg after: Russo ], which is sometimes irreversible. Russo s opinion [], the vicious circle of tourism development in a city where appropriate steps are not taken may cause the continuous decline of the attractiveness of central areas the historical city centre and, as a result, a catastrophic demise of the city and the whole tourist region.

The Venice syndrome the economy and urban management [32]. City administrators usually see tourism as an easy way to increase a city s income. An uncritical approach to development and tourism planning [boosterism Getz in: Hall ], and prioritisation of them are a common example of dysfunction in urban management Fig.

Aside from pathological situations in which the number of visitors is increased to benefit groups in political control, there are many other potential causes of dysfunctions related to the economy of a historical city.

A phenomenon which is extremely interesting for researchers but very dangerous to the city is the risk of falling into an infrastructural trap [Sagan ]. This involves overloading the urban infrastructure mainly transport. The dysfunctional mechanism starts off with inefficient infrastructure requiring replacement and development and the necessary funds only being achievable through further intensification of tourism, which further burdens the infrastructure, creating a vicious circle cf.

Urban tourism development s most important and increasingly noticeable and discussed negative effect is gentrification which is also a trigger for urban tourism development, especially in heritage cities [Grzeszczak ]. It is a simultaneously economic, physical, social and cultural process. Tourist gentrification includes residential gentrification and commercial gentrification loss or displacement of resident-serving businesses - Gotham ; Grzeszczak ].

Commercial gentrification changes the local market from one which serves local needs to one which caters to the visitor economy e. Gentrified historical destinations are perceived as globally oriented places, creating global opportunities on the local scale. In the past, the exchange of accommodation between individuals developed informally, but the Internet, and more specifically Web 2.

Tourist gentrification is a process which is radically transforming the majority of European historical cities Venice, Bruges, Florence, Prague , cities with a rapidly developing tourist function Lisbon, Barcelona , and many metropolitan districts Berlin. Intensive gentrification supported by ICT, the growing availability of transport in terms of time and price cheap flights , a boom in the sharing economy [see: Fang, Ye, Law ; Stors, Kagermeier ], and a trend for tourists penetrating new and thus-far non-tourist city areas e.

The increase in negative effects and externalities caused by tourism poses a new challenge for city administrators, namely, how should the costs and benefits of tourism be fairly divided within the local community? The situation is difficult because the progressing touristification makes the city increasingly dependent on external tourism investors e.

The city is undoubtedly an expression of the spatial interests of the elites connected with its territory. These elites benefit from the increasing use of the areas in which they have invested in various ways [Molotch , after: Sagan ].

Other common negative mechanisms include profits draining to the surrounding area. This of course aggravates all problems and may not only destabilise the local economy, but also degrade the tourism centre. When the key resources sites, space historical monuments, city areas are beyond the control of inhabitants and local institutions, it may be very difficult or impossible to regenerate the city by creating new, innovative tourism products, especially as regards cultural tourism.

Are Polish heritage cities affected by the Venice syndrome? The development of tourism in Poland, as well as in other post-socialist countries in Central and Eastern Europe, was connected with the desire to make up for lost time and the rapid growth of income from the tourism economy. This justifies the domination of research carried out from the point of view of tourism business [Banaszkiewicz, Graburn, Owsianowska ]. Polish scientific literature on tourism also emphasises the significance of tourism for local development in Poland, particularly as regards economic benefits.

Criticism of the negative effects of tourism is rare because many of them are not noticed or are treated as the price you pay for development. At the same time, it should be objectively stressed that, globally speaking, the scale of tourism development dysfunctions in Poland is small, which is not to say that they do not exist. The negative consequences of tourism development are considered in a broad perspective by Polish sociologists [e.

Niezgoda ; Mika ]. They are increasingly sceptical and critical as regards the possibilities to implement sustainable development [Mika ].

Krzesiwo , Mika ]. Analyses, reports and strategic documents are dominated by a vision of and need for tourism to be intensified. The area of most serious neglect is that of social issues. Documents often ignore the standpoint and interests of local communities, as well as potential conflicts of functions. Critical approaches to tourism are relatively rare among Polish researchers [see Mika ].

In recent years, relatively more attention has been paid to cultural tourism in Poland its transformations, innovative technological solutions and proper management. Few works present problems induced by tourism in Polish heritage cities [e. The results of this literature clearly overlap with the author s observations both field observations and the analysis of the literature. Cracow the most recognisable Polish city in the world, mostly due to its rich historical and cultural traditions Development strategy for Cracow is most strongly impacted by tourism.

When taking Cracow Old City 3 as an example, it is worth trying to define the scope and intensity of tourism development dysfunctions, in order to verify the open-ended character of the Venice 3 The tourist potential of Cracow is based on medieval and later monuments. Reflecting on Cracow in the context of the Venice syndrome raises another question: can we talk about a different tourismification trajectory in Polish heritage cities?

First of all, we must realise that, during the socialist period, Polish cities as well as other cities in Central-Eastern Europe , including those with a very long history and rich tangible heritage, underwent heavy industrialisation. This includes Cracow a medieval city and former capital city of Poland with a 15th-century university district Jagiellonian University Copernicus ; a city which was one of major trading centres in 16th century Europe as can still be seen in the preserved secular and sacral heritage ; a city partly transformed at the time of the partition of Poland e.

The ideological quintessence of that industrialisation was the decision to build a metallurgic complex and a new district, called Nowa Huta. In this oldest and historically most valuable and nowadays most turistified area of the city, industrialisation caused increased depopulation, due to, among other things, bad housing conditions.

The Old Town in Cracow is the core of the central tourist district. After , a clearly visible process of tertiarisation development of services began [Zborowski ], and in this way Cracow continued to make up for the delay in development of services, as did other large post-socialist cities in Central-Eastern Europe. An interesting fact [34]. However, looking at the current users of the Old Town space in Cracow, it is difficult to spot permanent inhabitants because they are outnumbered by visitors tourists, one-day visitors and, to a smaller degree, students and commuters.

From the beginning of implementing a market economy to the beginning of the 21st century, the historical fabric of Cracow Old Town containing over 1, monuments protected by law was enlarged by several new buildings e.

A detailed analysis of the changes in land use in shows an increase in service areas, especially as regards tourism, culture and science, mainly at the expense of basic functions, i. What is very noticeable is the seasonal appropriation and privatisation of public spaces for gastronomic purposes related to serving visitors. According to B. Luchter s calculations [b], at times of particularly heavy traffic spring summer , the gastronomic area increases nearly three-fold seasonal gardens outside restaurants , at the cost of public spaces streets, squares, pavements , built-up and green areas.

The most troublesome inconvenience connected with the functioning of these sites in the direct neighbourhood of the Old Town houses is the noise, which is also associated with the festivalisation of Cracow life and space [Studencka ]. Another problem is the decreased sense of security among inhabitants [Wieczorek ]. We see a clear turn towards the visitor economy e.

Inhabitants experience continuously growing prices, not only of basic goods, but also of rent and home maintenance.

He emphasises that this process leads to a reduction in the number of permanent residents but that it is particularly important, in order to rearrange the functional profile of the district in a proper manner, that it should be done through a process of evolution, rather than revolution.

Contemporary gentrification, both commercial and residential, initiated after was and is stimulated by the development of tourism and the growing force of the hospitality economy.

It must be remembered that the tradition of letting apartments in the Old Town in Cracow, including to young people and foreigners, is centuries old, and is connected with the presence of the university district and the activity of the Jagiellonian University [Wolaniuk ]. Residential gentrification stimulated by tourism can be seen in the increase and spatial expansion of tourism accommodation.

Initially, this mostly involved the development of hotels and, in recent years, the most dynamically developing segment of the accommodation market in Cracow has included hostels. There are about of them in the city about 4, beds , the majority of which can be found in the Old Town [Rettinger ].

Hostels, which have been being created since , occupy entire previously inhabited buildings, or several flats, making it a troublesome neighbourhood for residents. Lately, the character of tourist gentrification in Cracow has been associated with an increase in the number of short-term rental housing units sharing economy , especially through the Airbnb.

Although it officially declares that three quarters of its clients choose locations off the beaten track, the example of Cracow and Warsaw shows that quite the opposite is true. The biggest number of offers June relate to the Old Town and the second-most attractive and recognisable tourist district Kazimierz. Although the Airbnb offer is still relatively modest compared to the overall number of beds in the official accommodation database 30, in Cracow; 29, in Warsaw , the intensive growth may be worrying for the local tourism economy and the availability of flats for longer rent.

However, this tourist innovation is currently mostly perceived as positive scientifically and socially. The development of foreign urban tourism in Cracow is particularly oriented towards city breaks.

This particular form of tourism is enhanced by the global development of transport low-cost airline and information technologies [Dunn, Flanagan and Buckley ].

This is thus a motivation completely detached from [35]. This phenomenon results from an economic factor, which is the affordability for the inhabitants of the more affluent European countries of all aspects of the high-quality tourism and entertainment offer cheap, comfortable and fast air transport, cheap accommodation, cheap alcohol, cheap entertainment 4.

This phenomenon and similar tourist fashions e. It is symptomatic that three quarters of Cracow respondents would agree to move the curfew hour till midnight in return for a lower rent [Wieczorek ].

The rapid increase in arrivals and the related acceleration of touristification was observed after the enlargement of the European Union.

Tourismification i. The general trajectory of the tourismification and touristification of the Old Town in Cracow shows that apart from the most socially controversial form of young tourism, we may also indicate many other dysfunctions representing the Venice syndrome. Many of them commonly occur in urban environments; others are contextual, related to the character of an individual city e.

Summary At the beginning of the 21st century, A. Russo [] stated that it was the first time in history that mass cultural tourism had exploded. Hence, there is not much we can say about its possible effects. Observing the development of this phenomenon, M. Jansen-Verbeke [] often points to the need for visionary thinking about future, half-futuristic syndromes, while S. Kaczmarek and A. Kowalczyk [] talk about post-tourism space revitalisation. Nearly two decades of experience and the tourism trajectories of many historical cities prove that, despite the risk involved, most of them develop in a non-sustainable way.

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Few works present problems induced by tourism in Polish heritage cities [e. The results of this literature clearly overlap with the author s observations both field observations and the analysis of the literature. Cracow the most recognisable Polish city in the world, mostly due to its rich historical and cultural traditions Development strategy for Cracow is most strongly impacted by tourism.

When taking Cracow Old City 3 as an example, it is worth trying to define the scope and intensity of tourism development dysfunctions, in order to verify the open-ended character of the Venice 3 The tourist potential of Cracow is based on medieval and later monuments. Reflecting on Cracow in the context of the Venice syndrome raises another question: can we talk about a different tourismification trajectory in Polish heritage cities?

First of all, we must realise that, during the socialist period, Polish cities as well as other cities in Central-Eastern Europe , including those with a very long history and rich tangible heritage, underwent heavy industrialisation. This includes Cracow a medieval city and former capital city of Poland with a 15th-century university district Jagiellonian University Copernicus ; a city which was one of major trading centres in 16th century Europe as can still be seen in the preserved secular and sacral heritage ; a city partly transformed at the time of the partition of Poland e.

The ideological quintessence of that industrialisation was the decision to build a metallurgic complex and a new district, called Nowa Huta. In this oldest and historically most valuable and nowadays most turistified area of the city, industrialisation caused increased depopulation, due to, among other things, bad housing conditions. The Old Town in Cracow is the core of the central tourist district.

After , a clearly visible process of tertiarisation development of services began [Zborowski ], and in this way Cracow continued to make up for the delay in development of services, as did other large post-socialist cities in Central-Eastern Europe.

An interesting fact [34]. However, looking at the current users of the Old Town space in Cracow, it is difficult to spot permanent inhabitants because they are outnumbered by visitors tourists, one-day visitors and, to a smaller degree, students and commuters. From the beginning of implementing a market economy to the beginning of the 21st century, the historical fabric of Cracow Old Town containing over 1, monuments protected by law was enlarged by several new buildings e.

A detailed analysis of the changes in land use in shows an increase in service areas, especially as regards tourism, culture and science, mainly at the expense of basic functions, i. What is very noticeable is the seasonal appropriation and privatisation of public spaces for gastronomic purposes related to serving visitors. According to B. Luchter s calculations [b], at times of particularly heavy traffic spring summer , the gastronomic area increases nearly three-fold seasonal gardens outside restaurants , at the cost of public spaces streets, squares, pavements , built-up and green areas.

The most troublesome inconvenience connected with the functioning of these sites in the direct neighbourhood of the Old Town houses is the noise, which is also associated with the festivalisation of Cracow life and space [Studencka ].

Another problem is the decreased sense of security among inhabitants [Wieczorek ]. We see a clear turn towards the visitor economy e. Inhabitants experience continuously growing prices, not only of basic goods, but also of rent and home maintenance. He emphasises that this process leads to a reduction in the number of permanent residents but that it is particularly important, in order to rearrange the functional profile of the district in a proper manner, that it should be done through a process of evolution, rather than revolution.

Contemporary gentrification, both commercial and residential, initiated after was and is stimulated by the development of tourism and the growing force of the hospitality economy. It must be remembered that the tradition of letting apartments in the Old Town in Cracow, including to young people and foreigners, is centuries old, and is connected with the presence of the university district and the activity of the Jagiellonian University [Wolaniuk ]. Residential gentrification stimulated by tourism can be seen in the increase and spatial expansion of tourism accommodation.

Initially, this mostly involved the development of hotels and, in recent years, the most dynamically developing segment of the accommodation market in Cracow has included hostels. There are about of them in the city about 4, beds , the majority of which can be found in the Old Town [Rettinger ]. Hostels, which have been being created since , occupy entire previously inhabited buildings, or several flats, making it a troublesome neighbourhood for residents. Lately, the character of tourist gentrification in Cracow has been associated with an increase in the number of short-term rental housing units sharing economy , especially through the Airbnb.

Although it officially declares that three quarters of its clients choose locations off the beaten track, the example of Cracow and Warsaw shows that quite the opposite is true. The biggest number of offers June relate to the Old Town and the second-most attractive and recognisable tourist district Kazimierz. Although the Airbnb offer is still relatively modest compared to the overall number of beds in the official accommodation database 30, in Cracow; 29, in Warsaw , the intensive growth may be worrying for the local tourism economy and the availability of flats for longer rent.

However, this tourist innovation is currently mostly perceived as positive scientifically and socially. The development of foreign urban tourism in Cracow is particularly oriented towards city breaks. This particular form of tourism is enhanced by the global development of transport low-cost airline and information technologies [Dunn, Flanagan and Buckley ].

This is thus a motivation completely detached from [35]. This phenomenon results from an economic factor, which is the affordability for the inhabitants of the more affluent European countries of all aspects of the high-quality tourism and entertainment offer cheap, comfortable and fast air transport, cheap accommodation, cheap alcohol, cheap entertainment 4. This phenomenon and similar tourist fashions e. It is symptomatic that three quarters of Cracow respondents would agree to move the curfew hour till midnight in return for a lower rent [Wieczorek ].

The rapid increase in arrivals and the related acceleration of touristification was observed after the enlargement of the European Union. Tourismification i. The general trajectory of the tourismification and touristification of the Old Town in Cracow shows that apart from the most socially controversial form of young tourism, we may also indicate many other dysfunctions representing the Venice syndrome.

Many of them commonly occur in urban environments; others are contextual, related to the character of an individual city e. Summary At the beginning of the 21st century, A. Russo [] stated that it was the first time in history that mass cultural tourism had exploded. Hence, there is not much we can say about its possible effects. Observing the development of this phenomenon, M.

Jansen-Verbeke [] often points to the need for visionary thinking about future, half-futuristic syndromes, while S. Kaczmarek and A. Kowalczyk [] talk about post-tourism space revitalisation. Nearly two decades of experience and the tourism trajectories of many historical cities prove that, despite the risk involved, most of them develop in a non-sustainable way.

What is more, forming new negative relations between tourism and the city and strengthening existing ones , especially in the social aspect, has made it possible to feel the consequences of the Venice syndrome.

This study contributes to the literature on tourism by proposing the concept of the 'Venice syndrome', which paves the way for a multi-dimensional, multifaceted and open-ended consideration of the dysfunctional negative changes 4 In the case of Czech Prague, an additional asset is also the legal and common access to so-called soft drugs. Considering their character, these changes can be divided into the universal and the contextual, i.

The majority of tourism development dysfunctions become visible together with the diseconomies of scale [Meyer ], and poor quality or absence of tourism management in the heritage city [Mikos von Rohrscheidt ]. Many are interconnected; some are linked to global phenomena and processes e.

The long-term effect of dysfunctions on all spheres of the urban system may lead to a pathology condition. Analysing the situation in Prague the Czech Republic , V. To sum up, the Venice syndrome is a conception a generally formulated interpretational schema , which can be expanded e. The dysfunctions resulting from its development become real problems in the functioning of smaller, larger and stable urban systems alike.

Merton, diagnosing them correctly may help in bringing a positive change, as well as in a better understanding of the impacts of tourism on the city. Paradoxically, many of the problems described above result from the nature of tourism, which on the one hand is determined spatially tourist consumption and depends on local resources, and, on the other, is powered by the development of global forces and phenomena.

The extraordinary ruthlessness of these relations is best illustrated by the dramatic situation of Venice an icon of European heritage, which is too high a price to pay for the development and pressure of contemporary tourism. References [1] Ashworth, G. Planowanie dziedzictwa [in:] Miasto historyczne.

Purchla, Z. Zuziak eds. The relationship between Airbnb [36]. Indian Journal of Science and Technology, 8 Protest and resistance in the tourist city. London: Routledge. The myth and the stones of Venice: an historical geography of a symbolic landscape. Journal of Historical Geography, 8 2 , [7] Cudny, W.

Festival tourism the concept, key functions and dysfunctions in the context of tourism geography studies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Funkcja turystyczna jako czynnik rozwoju lokalnego w Polsce. Tourist intensity in capital cities in Central Europe: comparative analysis of tourism in Prague, Vienna and Budapest. Czech Journal of Tourism, 3 1 , [11] Dunne, G.

Effect of sharing economy on tourism industry employment. Annals of Tourism Research, 57, [13] Faracik, R. Zarys problematyki, [in:] P.

Trzepacz, J. Brzosko-Sermak, A. Stop being a tourist! New dynamics of urban tourism in Berlin Kreuzberg. Turystyka Kulturowa, 10, [16] Getz, D. Progress and prospects for event tourism research. Tourism Management, 52, [17] Gotham, K.

Tourism gentrification: The case of new Orleans' vieux carre French Quarter. The eruption of Airbnb in tourist cities: Comparing spatial patterns of hotels and peer-to-peer accommodation in Barcelona. Tourism Management, 62, [21] Hall, D. Hall, M. Smith and B. Marciszewska Eds. Geographical representations embedded within souvenirs in Niagara: the case of geographically displaced authenticity. Tourismification of historical cities. Transformation from historic cityscape to urban tourismscape.

A discussion note. Revista di cienze del Turismo. Volume 2, Pages [26] Kaczmarek, J. Mikos v. Rohrscheidt A. Syndrom wenecki. Durydiwka, K. Duda-Gromada eds. Prace Geograficzne, , [34] Luchter, B.

Paradygmat analizy funkcjonalnej w socjologii. Szacki, M. Ekonomiczne Problemy Turystyki, [39] Mika, M. Kurek ed. Turystyka Kulturowa, 10, [45] Murzyn, M.

The Central European experience of urban regeneration. Cultural, economic and social sustainability of heritage tourism: issues and challenges. Krajobraz jako autentyk, makieta, hybryda. Tourist crowding perception and acceptability in cities: An applied modelling study on Bruges. Annals of Tourism Research, 39 4 , [49] Niezgoda, A. Dziedzictwo i turystyka: relacje i ewolucja koncepcji [in:] B. Krakowiak eds. A guide for heritage economics in historic cities. Values of souvenirs as commodities.

Obszary dysfunkcji organizacyjnych. Zeszyty Naukowe. Drewnik, M. Mika eds. Spojrzenie geografa. A new take on an old structure? Creative and slow tourism in Krakow Poland. Economic Problems of Tourism, 3 31 , [58] Podemski, K. Krakow, a metropolis of tourism and spiritualism. Sociologic Problems of Tourism.

Dziedzictwo a turystyka. Czasopismo Techniczne. Architektura, , [63] Rettinger, R. The McDonaldization thesis: Is expansion inevitable?. International Sociology, 11 3 , [65] Russo, A.

The spatial logic of the exchange: an approach to the new geographies of the everyday in contemporary tourism. Channel [38]. Unravelling Airbnb: Urban perspectives from Barcelona, [in:] A. Russo, G. Richards eds. The revitalization of urban space: social changes in Krakow's Kazimierz and the Ticinese District in Milan. Categorization of tourist attractions and the modeling of tourist cities: based on the co-plot method of multivariate analysis.

Tourism Management, 25 6 , [72] Smith, A. Events in the city: Using public spaces as event venues. Uses of Heritage. London, New York: Routledge. The sharing economy and its role in metropolitan tourism, [in:] M. Gavari-Barbas, S.

Tourism place and space: British stag tourism in Poland. Annals of Tourism Research, 39 2 , [77] van der Borg, J. Tourism management and carrying capacity in heritage cities and sites, in: Coccossis H.

The challenge of tourism carrying capacity assessment: Theory and practice, [78] Vianello, M. Colomb, J. Understanding the Tourist Experience of Cities. Annals of Tourism Research, 65, [79] Wolaniuk, A. Wieczorek, P. Turystyka i kultura w Kazimierzu Dolnym [in:] Krakowiak, B. Case Study Research: Design and Methods. Thousand Oaks:Sage. Przemiany przestrzeni miasta postsocjalistycznego, teoria i praktyka. Globalization, Tourism and Cities: Pros and Cons.

Taiwanese aboriginal culture is full of diversity, Uniqueness, ecological education and cultural significance, thus has become the key aboriginal tourism industrial development. Hualien is the largest aboriginal county in Taiwan, there are Amis, Kebalan, Sakizaya, Bunun, Truku, and Seediq six aborigines tribes while there are total sixteen ethnic groups in Taiwan.

The purpose of this study is to discuss the problems and difficulties the tribal tourism is facing. Take Ketusan Music Studio as an example, this study through participatory observation, in-depth interviews and questionnaires to explore Truku community tribal tourism. The results are as follows: 1 Historical events destroyed Truku tribal traditions and beliefs.

The Sustainable and environmental-friendly living style of these indigenous people has also become a type of tourism for recreation and self- actualization. The indigenous people of Taiwan belongs to the Austronesian language family, some linguist even consider as the origin of the Austronesian Blust, ; according to various research, they have settled in Taiwan for at least years.

Taiwanese aborigines has been given different name throughout their encounter with different foreign authorities, such as Dongfan from the Ming Dynasty, Indians or Black by the Dutch, or Takasago-zoku by the Japanese government. It was not until recent that the terminology Pingpuzu Plains peoples and Gaoshanzu High Mountain peoples ",which was first used during the Qing Dynasty, is formally adopted as an general designation for Taiwanese aborigines.

Due to their geographic isolation, each tribe has come up with its own unique language and culture through thousands of years of history, which is told by stories that is pass down from generations to generations. Moreover, each tribes has their own symbol, or totem, that serves as a form of logograph, which has their own stories and meanings. The first documented written scripts did not appears until the , in the form of Sinckan Manuscripts, which was a adaptation of the Romanized language created by the Dutch, these are a series of leases, mortgages, and other [40].

For the pass few centuries, the indigenous people of Taiwan has fall under the rule of various foreign authorities, all of it demand them to submit under their regime and culture, combine it with migration and modernization, has led to the vanishing of many Taiwanese culture, language, and ethic identities. Which made Hualien the county that houses the most indigenous population, and all their different culture and ceremony has become one of the unique tourist destination of Hualien.

However these tradition are in danger of being commercialize and losing its cultural value, and for the youngsters, will this affect their cultural and ethnic identity? With much of the tribal tourism sharing much similarities, how do one distinguish itself from one another and attracts attention? This study focus on Ketusan Music Studio from Truku tribe of Hualien as main research subject, because for the past twenty years, they have dedicated themselves to restore the traditions and culture, the owner of the studio, Piteryo Ukah, has also became the first person to have facial tattoo since the Japanese government has banned it.

During the time of field research and interview, one can easily discover the issue the indigenous people will encounter while persevering their culture and promoting tribal tourism. The goal of this study is to help these indigenous people to identify the problem with their management and sort out a valid solution, and contribute our effort in persevering traditions and culture. Lyric: Our Beautiful Home, Truku This song which is composed by Ketusan Music Studio, played in tradition Truku melody, reminds the new generation to remember the tradition, wishing them to passing on the nature-loving culture and brave warrior spirit.

The Dutch East India Company has preform various military operation on the local population during to , the Doroko was then drive out from their homeland and send into exile for hundreds of years Van, In the end they settle in regions surrounding Mugua River and Liwu River.

Because the people called themselves Truku, which means a flat platform halfway a mountain, thus the place where they settled in was then given the name Taroko, which is where Taroko National Park is located now CIP, According to Liao Shou-Chen , the first Truku people settled here in , and after still many Doroko people migrates to this place.

Due to the nature of the Taroko region, the Truku people became isolated and unknown to the outside world. Time passed, and the Truku people prospered by the rich environment they settled in jin Shang-De, , gradually form a different living style and culture than their distant relativse in Nantou. Some examples are listed as below: Religion: The Truku people believed in Gaya, the ancient spirit, and are strictly disciplined by it, a person violating it might involve the whole family to be punished.

Facial Tattoo: this tattoo not only serves as a prove of maturity and valor, but is also a recognition within the family.

The public area is owned and maintain by all within the tribe. The hunting field however can be owned by the same family that are from different villages, but usually is only own by just one.

The legend of Rainbow Bridge: The Truku elders always tell the younger generation that when a person passed away, his or her spirit will end up at the Rainbow bridge, and only the bravest man or the most skillful woman of weaving can be granted to go across it and living among the ancestors. Or else the person will be toss over the bridge and consume by crabs living in the river under the bridge.

CIP, Our research subject, Ketusan Music Studio, has dedicated their goal to spread the tradition Truku culture, by composing music that implies the ancient tune and culture, they hope to pass down their culture to future Truku generations and to let the world to appreciate the beauty of Truku culture.

However for the people of Truku, following the teaching The mountain is home, and the land are our blood, had fought the Japanese government for the first eighteen years during their 50 years of Japanese rule, therefore the Trukus are always proud with the saying they had only been ruled for 32 years only. The rebellions against the Japanese government can be categorized into three main incidents: Xin-Cheng incident , Wei-Li incident , and the Battle of Taroko Luni, ; Teyra Yudaw, ; Ruan Nai-Hong, , with the latter one being the most significant.

The Battle of Taroko took place in from May to August, Japan mobilized more than 20, men, attacking from three different directions against the Truku people who were at most 3, strong man. After three month of fierce and intense fighting, the Trukus were defeated, and set up a stone stele as a mark of surrender. Indigenous People Department, After the Musha incident in , Japanese government was afraid of Taiwanese aborigines who would rally against them again, so starting from all the way through forcefully relocated them to different area, stretching from northern Hualien all the way south to near Taitung.

Moreover, the Japanese government broke up the bond of each family by mixing different tribes together, breaking the tradition social structure and culture digital Museum of Taiwan Indigenous People, ; Taiwan's Indigenous People's Portal, According to Tien, an local historian, he said, After the Battle of Truku, family was separated, my father and uncle was given different Japanese family name, then the KMT government came, also gave them different Chinese family name.

Lin , An young Truku artist from Wanrong Township said, I once asked my grandmother how did we end up living here, she answered that the Japanese demanded us to aboard the train, and we were taken to this place, then settled here ever since. As mention above, each tribe of Truku people was bonded by lineage, and is very repulsive towards outsiders, however by mixing different tribes together, the tradition is gradually lost in time, together with the interference of authorities, the Truku culture and belief are withering in the modern world.

Piteryo Ukah said, Go ask the young generations what is Gaya, none of them can give you an answer. Marson Doyong said, I remember when I was a little, my uncle brought home a fish that was not longer than his elbow, my grandfather saw it and got so mad at it, he chased my uncle out the house, because catching young fish that was not able to reproduce was against Gaya, he will bring bad luck to the whole family.

This is also a prime example of the nature loving and fearing belief of Truku people. Results: the Attitude of Life is culture, Culture is Life The tribes was officially recognized on January 14 th, as the 12 th indigenous tribe of Taiwan.

They are a tribe rigid and fierce people, skilled in hunting and weaving, yet are willing to share in nature. Mhuway su baby which translates to Thank you in Truku, actually means Happy to share.

Piteryo Ukah, the owner of Ketusan Music Studio, was born in the mountains of Hualien, by lived with relatives in Northern Taiwan due to family reason. He first learned his hunting skill in the mountains of Wu-lai with the elders, although he only had three years in compulsory education, the mountain and forest had served as a better school for him and taught more than any school could.

During that time he had experience first handily of the wisdom of hunting and life of the Truku, and practiced it personally. After he grown up, he first had a chance to enter the entertainment industry, but he decided to moved back to Hualien to live at where his ancestors lived, and began his work at recover the ballads and tunes of Truku.

Ketusan Music Studio was established in November 14 th, , composing songs and melody in Truku language, and helped the promotion of the movie Seediq Bale.

In , he became the first person to preform facial tattoo Figure. Practice Truku culture in daily-life, live as a true Truku is his motto, he can be seen in every occasions that involves Truku, wearing the warrior outfit and speaking or singing in his loud yet clear voice figure.

His album Legend of Truku Appx. In , he was invited to participate in MiArt, representing Taiwan, and was interviewed by local journalist Figure. German anthropologist Michael Rudolph had interviewed Piteryo Ukah in order to research the head-hunting tradition of Taiwanese aborigines, and used Piteryo Ukah s picture Figure. Figure 1 Source: Piteryo Ukah [42].

The purpose of visit are Purchasing Album, group travel, introduction to Truku culture figure 8 ; the most popular attraction are learning the music instrument, Music performance, and Hunting practice. Factors that might affect visiting are lack of both transportation and information Figure 9 , Also there are some suggestions and encouragements list as follow: Transportation for small tourist group Wider range of Promotion and advertisement Improvement of lavatory A place for instrument display A proper place for illustration More parking space Open the area for camping Agriculture products Visitors joining the performance More chair and other hardware Improve infrastructure to cover the sun and rain more, and better platform for performance Figure 4 Source: Piteryo Ukah Figure 5- Age Distribution Figure 6- Occupation Distribution By letting each tourist experience personally and through PU s careful explanation, he introduces the Truku culture to the general public for appreciation; Ketusan Music Studio has been busy reviving the tradition Truku culture, with folk language, dance class, traditional music instrument crafting, music composing.

The Studio is mostly funded by the profits of their albums and handcrafts, also Theater performance and tour guide Appx. This research utilized a 5-point Likert scale, and send out questionnaires from April to May, out of the sent was valid. Accord to analysis, the people who visit Ketusan Music Studio were mostly between in age, [43].

The parents of these teenagers worsen the situation by accusing PU s dance company that the teens did not want to go to school, so after evaluating the situation, and to maintain the quality of traditional Truku performance, he decided to terminates the dance company, but for those who really wants to learn, he still offers his help and coordinate with show performance. Figure 8- Purpose of Visit Figure 9 - Factors affecting Willingness of Visit After evaluating the suggestions from visitors, one can easily see that the Studio lacks in basic infrastructure, and the studio has a lot to improve regarding its environment.

In when the studio was setup, Piteryo Ukah had applied for bank loan that has not been fully repay till this day, and he has not asked for any aids and support from the government; However this is not because he does not want help, but due to the fact that his studio does not meets the minimum requirement for the authority to subsidize.

Despite all of these setbacks, it did not effects his passion for recovering the culture, for a while he voluntary to instruct Truku children and teenagers who were out of school or drop out, and form a dance company which had a few success, but the outcome did not go as expected. PU recalled, The children got too arrogant after just a few good performance and applause, thought they are now In , Taroko National Park Headquarters call for bids for the development of Bruwan, a plateau located half way up the mountain in Taroko, surrounded by the mountains, and was for generations the residence of Truku people.

Leader Hotel Bruwan Village Figure 10 won the bid eventually, and set up the lounge as how it would be traditionally for the Truku, reviving the tradition and culture at the place where it was form, and hires only the local Truku tribe s men and women. The manager, Mr. Cheng, is a Han descendant however, and had over twenty years of hotel management; his enthusiasm for the indigenous culture and love for its people moved him to settle in Bruwan.

Not only did he creates job for the local population, but also very concern for the education of the youth, and devoted himself to promote its culture. According to Mr. Cheng, Most of the children here are raised either in a single-parent family or by their grandparents, some don t like to go to school, being no good to anyone, but after being put under the strict teaching and management of the Village s cultural performance group, they all began to show politeness and manner, and brought honors to us all on stage; I hope in the future this Village can be manage by the Truku people on their own, returning the land to the original owner, and improve the economic competitiveness while upholding their culture.

Cheng still choose to stood among the Truku people to strive and work together because of his affliction with them. Figure 10, Source: this research On the other hand, Piteryo Ukah of Ketusan Music Studio is mere just a musician who loves his own culture and feel responsible to pass it on, without the help of government and organization, simply hoping for the tradition to be preserved and inherited, nevertheless in the ever changing world, the general population seeking only [44]. The government hosts huge united tradition indigenous festival annually during summer time, different tribes also has their own festivals, which brought in many tourists for local tourism, but one can easily find out from the questionnaire, that most of the people who had visited the studio were only informed about it through friend and relative or internet, clearly that those huge-budget activity does not contribute a lot on promoting local tribal tourism and genuine cultural tour.

Our suggestion to the related departments to convert more resources into the inheritance of local culture, and subsidize more on small shop and studio who had committed themselves to the perseveration and promotion of tradition culture, and not just some over-sized festivals and infrastructures. Only by systematically integrating different local tribe and careful programming and marketing a set of unique tour destination, encouraging tourist to enter local villages, can we create more job for the younger generation to come back, thus preserving the culture.

Whether which aspect one is concern about, either if it is the perseveration and promotion of tradition culture, or the development of new tourism resources, the Truku tribal tourism all has huge potential and developing space.

One can only hope the Taroko National Park will become the first World Heritage of Taiwan, and the culture of Truku will be the prime part of it. Every time when the news reports natural disaster due to extreme weather, it will always become a reminder of the nature loving and fearing belief of the Truku.

Their belief not only just protect their tradition and culture, but also preserves the environment for a sustainable development.

Subgrouping, circularity and extinction: some issues in Austronesian comparative linguistics in E. K Li Ed. Taipei: Academia Sinica. Council of Indigenous Peoples , June 8 th. Truku Tribe literature Review. Introduction to the ethnic group. A study of aboriginal culture preservation policy a case of family tracing from truku's mqmgi and mkuway.

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