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英英思考を制するものは英語を制す。英英辞典とネイティブ向け読み物への早期移行が異次元の高速学習を可能にした。 You are about to download Toeic Practice Test Latest APK for Android, TOEIC 新TOEIC(R)テスト英単語・熟語マスタリー icon. resident_seoauditing.ru)からもダウンロードできます)。 日常会話を中心 に、​カナダでの暮らしに必要な英単語、文法も学 びます。 ヘルシーで元 気がでる​自然の食物を加熱せず食べることによって、 生きた 文法、リーディング、​ライティング、単語、会話、 試験対策(IELTS、TOEFL、TOEIC、LPI、ELP)W 12th.

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新toeicテストにでる順英単語 ダウンロード

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TOEIC test results reflectthe level of proficiency to communicate in English in activitiessuch as business, trade, tourism This result is valid for 02years and is recognized in many countries including Vietnam. And up to now, after more than 35years, ETS has organized test for many millions of participantsaround the world.

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One was that I had a built-in feedback mechanism that Heisig didn't provide. I was drinking a lot of fluids to avoid dehydration, and every time I went to the toilet in the plane, I looked at the sign on the wall, written both in English and Japanese, saying that smoking is prohib- ited in the washroom and that you can be sued for tampering with the smoke detector.

And every time I went, could recognize more of the hiragana. This "bio-feedback" became an important part of my learning process. I was excited to go again at the next break to see what else I could recognize, and my success in this hourly administered test added to my motivation. Meanwhile during the half-hour breaks between lessons, I leafed through the on-board magazine checking off all the hiragana I knew.

As I was doing this I began to realize that a lot was going on in my mind—so called "cognitive processes"—that had been sparked off by my use of the method, but which had really nothing to do with the method itself i. First, I began to make hypotheses about the different styles of writing the symbols. The magazine included some wild variants not included in Heisig's book that I had to be quite creative in figuring out.

For example, the on-board snack package of otsumami kept me occupied for a little while fortunately it had a translation. Second, there are a number of aspects of the method that I came to my own personal intepretations of. Some of mnemonics he used are com- pletely ridiculous, as is evident in the examples above.

It is in the ridicu- lousness that the remembering lies. Heisig doesn't explicitly say so, but I concluded that the only criterion for their usefulness is to be memorable. Therefore, I didn't have to follow his imaginary scenes.

I could create my own variations, which I did in several cases. For example, in the case of "yo," the description offended my sense of animal rights, and so I substi- tuted a fake racoon tail for the puppy dog's tail. In other words, I didn't follow the method to the letter. But he warns you not to stray from his "method. You would be better advised not to use that book at all than get youself lost in a develish labyrinth of your own devising.

The method builds up step by step, and you will need the prin- ciples taught in the earlier stages to follow the directions given later. The question is: how far away from his instruction could I go and still be considered to be following his method. At what level of specification am I permitted to take over the decision-making? An important issue related to the question of whether the method "worked" is the definition of success.

The question is: what in fact did I learn? Can I say "I know hiragana"? By the time the flight was over, I could recognize them and write them with a little puzzling out. A common way of looking at fluency is related to the notion of consciousness discussed earlier: making conscious knowl- edge unconscious through practice. One would think that learning these symbols is precisely the type of skill that can be learned in quite a con- scious way, and then made automatic through practice.

All of the con- scious manipulations would become faster and faster and soon become unconscious. Is that what happened? What seemed to happen in many cases was that the mnemonic that I used initially to remember each hiragana was restructured as time went by—as I did more coding and decoding, and as I rested between attempts. As I continued to look at magazines and, later, street signs, the symbols began to transform.

I began to see them as wholes rather than as compo- nents. This happened quickly for some hiragana and slowly for others. For example the no parking sign was the first one to become immediately recognizable, and others followed. The representation that I was using seemed to change over time: perhaps I was getting rid of Heisig's "scaf- fold" as soon as my brain no longer needed it. For others, the restructing I did was to improve Heisig's instructions completely.

I could never recal it when I needed it Ulti- mately, it worked better when I focused on the fact that the symbol looked a little like a "t" plus and unfinished "a.

I began to use those larger units as a new strategy to recognize the individual components when they occurred on their own, a restructur- ing not part of Heisig's method.

It happened when I was on a train in Tokyo that stopped in a station and the door opened. I suddenly had the panic-stricken thought that it might be my station and I would have to get out. There was not romanized sign to be seen, but right in front of my eyes was this hiragana sign. For a few seconds I struggled, not being able to make sense of it.

Suddenly, seemingly from nowhere, the word "yoyo" came to my mind the station was Yoyogi , and I relaxed and sat down again, marvelling at my close escape and my newly discovered knowledge of how to write the word "yoyo" in hiragana. Although I am very wary of the inaccuracies of intro- spective data, it would surprise me to think that I went through the pro- cess of applying Heisig's mneumonic about the boomerang, the puppy dog's tail and the egg yolks at high speed unconsciously.

Another notable feature of the process became evident after the flight. In Japan I was exposed to hiragana constantly and practiced decoding them whenever I saw them, but with my busy schedule did not have time to practice writing them as I had in the plane. But one day while reading an article about Haruki Murakami, I suddenly decided to try to write his name using hiragana. I knew "ha" right away, but could not remember "ru" even though I had remembered decoding it just minutes before.

And I had no idea about "mu. So should we consider this unconscious restructuring that went on— my own contribution to the learning process—to be part of the teaching?

This may be a minor theoretical question. But it points up the complexity underlying the simple term "method" and our vain attempts to find the teaching method that "works. The complexities of "method" multiply as soon as we begin to think of learning the rest of the language. Even deciding in a Japanese course when and how to use Heisig's book creates innumerable possibilities.

The question of interpretation of method and what eaching means looms again. But this experience has also shown me the seductiveness of the con- cept of a method: everybody asks "how do you do it? The second anecdote I wish to use to illustrate this question of the rela- Learning Tap tionship of teaching to learning is my attempt to learn how to tap dance. When I worked at the ELI of the University of Michigan in the early 's, I went to an all day jazz concert at the equivalent of the Savoy Ballroom, a celebration of Detroit jazz from the 's to the present.

When they got to the 's, out came this trio of dancers: tall, black, tuxedoed, and producing incredible rhythms with their feet. I decided that I wanted to learn to tap dance. It was the jazz dance of Bojangles and these guys in Detroit. In retrospect, I have tracked my decision-making process as a learner of tap. My first decision was to go out and buy shoes, which I did. Phase 1: The I first tried deliberately to tap and step in the way I thought was "correct.

I then made a higher level "macro" decision—to take a lesson. The les- son was structured on a similar basis: the teacher showed me how to do a "flap. It was pretty boring, but it was considered necessary to make the movement automatic by repeating it many times. This was not my learn- ing style, and I made the macro-decision to continue learning on my own and in my own way.

Phase 2: The Being interested in holistic learning, I made another macro-decision: in- exploratory phase stead of trying to deliberately make a specific foot movement, I decided to wear the shoes around the house and just listen.

When I washed the dishes I wore them and listened to the sounds without trying to plan them. When I liked what I heard, I "let" it happen again. I began to "play" with the sounds rather than forcing my feet to make deliberate specific move- ments. I had a newborn baby at that time; if she awoke between 10 p.

I spent a lot of time walking with her in my arms, and came across a number of new steps. I'm not sure yet whether this has had any permanent affect on her. I discovered a wonderful triplet pattern, and although I didn't know exactly what my feet were doing, doing it sounded great. I started to wear clogs at work, and discovered a four-tap walking step on my way to class.

When my head was telling my feet what to do, it was top down; when my feet were simply making sounds and my head or ears were listening to the patterns, it was bottom up. But I realized it is more intricate than that. There is an interaction of different "levels" of action, and a question of at which "level" the "con- sciousness" in my decision-making occurs.

For example, I can decide I'm going to do the triplet. But I don't explicitly decide to move each muscle, or even which part of my foot will make each tap. Although I have some general awareness of my movements, I can't tell what parts of my feet are hitting the ground in what order. The fluency came not from making de- liberate movements automatic, but from refining the movements by lis- tening—I gradually developed a "sense" of the patterns of sound my feet were making and how I could make them happen, but without knowing exactly how I was doing it.

Even my syntax here reveals this subtlety. It is not precisely accurate for me to say, "I know how to make the sounds;" I have to say, "I know how to make them happen.

I was not "practicing" pre- determined movements. It was "play" but, as an adult, I had to call it "practice" to legitimize it. I discovered that it is hard to find a time and place to practice: nobody wants to be in the next room to a tap dancer practicing. So I would nab practice moments wherever I could. I didn't need tap shoes to practice the foot movement and so I could "practice" anywhere. So I used to see how fast I could tap my feet with- out moving any other part of my body for example while reading the paper , so that nobody would notice what I was doing.

I've since realized that it had an effect on my style of dancing. I saw the movie "Shall We Dance" recently, and I felt a lot of kinship with the protagonist, when he practices his ballroom dancing out in the rain.

There's also a great bathroom scene where he is practicing his dance steps with the colleague he is taking dance lessons with, but has to pull a fainting scene when another man comes into the washroom. I discovered as well that the men's washroom was a good place to practice—good floor, good accoustics. But I later realized that this was also affecting my style. It was crucially important to keep everything still except my feet when I was standing at the urinal, especially if it was just before class.

And of course I was always worried that somebody would walk into the washroom behind me, without me noticing that they were there. I men- tioned in an earlier talk that when you begin keeping track of your own learning, you begin to notice patterns that you were not previously aware of—it's a little disconcerting for me to notice the importance of the wash- room environment in these areas of learning I am reporting on in this paper.

The term toilet training has taken on a whole new meaning. But the style aspect played a role. When I showed people my steps, they would joke that "it's not really tap dancing.

In doing this, I realized that the question of "identification" is important. The dancing was very Fred Astaire-like and there was to be a concert in front of family and friends at the end of the year. The dancing identity the accent they were asking me to take on was not at all the one that I wanted to have. I would have been totally embarrassed to dance at the end of year concert. I realized the importance of identity—we can make complete fools of ourselves easily if it fits our identity and the persona we wish to portray.

But change it slightly even if it makes no difference to anybody else , and it becomes excruciatingly embarrassing. So I quit again. Finally, over the last few years, I had come to the gradual conclusion that Phase 3: The I wasn't improving in the specific way that I wanted.

I felt that I didn't integration phase have any recognizable "steps," or control over my feet. I couldn't change rhythms. I wanted to improvise, change accents, do cross-rhythms, and have some "steps" at my disposal. So I decided, again, to get outside help. I also created a powerful external motivation when I had the crazy and scary thought that I might try to use tap dancing as a metaphor for issues in learning for this conference presentation.

So I decided to go to New York City for a tap lesson. I had a plan for how I was going to proceed. I knew what I wanted. I was going to say to the teacher: "Here is my goal—I have this presenta- tion to do in Japan.

Let me show you what I can do so far. What I want you to do is use what I can already do to give me a couple of good rou- tines or 'numbers' of seconds. The idea of me creating the lesson plan had worked wonderfully when I had taken some saxophone lessons from a very flexible and cool teacher years before.

In other words, I had a specific goal set by me, not by a teacher. I had a framework for the teacher to make some decisions in. The teacher's input would be suggestions for actions that I could carry out, and which would lead me toward my goal. I expected that there would be a kind of negotiation that would occur between me and the teacher. I noted to myself that this negotiation, as well as the tap steps, might be useful for the JALT presentation.

This didn't happen. I first took a group lesson. There I discovered that I didn't know the terminology associated with tap dancing. Although I could make some pretty neat rhythms, I didn't know what to do when they said things like: "Brush right, dig right, hop left, flap right, shuffle left.

Okay now let's do the paddle step. I realized that I didn't know the metalanguage of tap. I didn't know what to do with what they were say- ing. Worse yet, they didn't know what to do with me. But the teacher was an amazing dancer, with incredible power and tone in her feet, incredible jazz rhythm, and an amazing style with spins and leaps it was evident that she had not been practicing while standing at a urinal!

So I decided on an individual lesson. I walked in to her studio and, after a little small talk during which time I was getting up the courage to tell her my plan, she got down to business. She said, "Okay, let's get back to the basics. We'll start with the flap. In terms of my goals, the lesson did not succeed. It was not tuned to where I was at. The teacher was very competent and confident, and I felt so incompetent and unconfident that I was not able to take the initiative to tell her what I wanted.

I drove back to Ottawa disappointed. However, success of teaching is not easy to judge. I feel that I am suddenly improv- ing and that I am on the verge of an important breakthrough. I suddenly feel like I have more power and control over the combinations of sounds I am making.

It seems that somehow the lesson contributed, but it is not clear how. The teacher's way of dancing was inspiring. Maybe it was her being a "model" for what I wanted to learn. She modelled the movements to get that powerful sound. She modelled the kind of weight changes that I need to make jazz rhythms. But maybe it was not her at all. Maybe it was my own psychological frame. Perhaps by making explicit to myself that I was going to make a serious commitment to tap, and by proving it by going to NYC, my body recognized this commitment and responded.

Perhaps it was all that plus the pressure of my coming to Japan to give this paper. I have no idea exactly what role the lesson played. Although I did not explicitly learn what I was taught there, it seems to have had an important effect. So, what is teaching? I now know that to join the "culture" of tap, I am going to have to learn the individual steps, as well as the terminology.

I am going to have to know what a shuffle is and how to do it. I don't know exactly what will come next. It is a very exciting moment to know that something is going to happen, but not to know exactly what.

Perhaps that is learning. Let us return to the Consciousness in issue of explicit versus implicit teaching. There are a number of recent the Language discussions in journal publications devoted to answering the question, "should we teach grammar explicitly? In language teaching, we think of explicit teaching as "explicit stating of the rule. First, it assumes that explicitness is a straightforward all or nothing notion.

When we think in practical terms, what do I need to say exactly for something to be explicit? An example is the issue of "explicit error correction. If I say, "You made a mistake. You used the present tense 'go' instead of the past conditional 'would have gone. How about if I just omit the first sentence.

Then I have left implicit that what the student did is make a mistake, but it is still pretty explicit. How about if I just say, "would had gone. How about if I say "past conditional, wink wink? At what point have we moved from explicit to implicit. This also brings up the question of reception and interpretation of in- formation.

If I say something "explicitly," does it mean it's been received in that form. Does the word "teach" in the expression "explicit teaching" imply that it's been heard and understood by the learner, or learned by the learner? This argument is not to deny that there is a real issue here. But treating it as a quantifiable issue is inherently problematic.

Second, it assumes that people use such rules to produce forms, i. The fact that we have a description of how active voice and passive voice sentence are related may not have anything to do with the processes by which they are produced in communication, any more than a description of the relationship between the puppy dog's tail and the boomerang is how the hiragana for "yo" must be produced.

It may be a useful scaffold, to be thrown away later, or it may not be useful at all. Third, it assumes that all learners and all forms are to be treated in the same way. The discussion above implies that learners differ in their ways of processing and using information about what they are learning.

It may also be the case that some rules or generalizations are more useful than others, i. Discussions of the concept of teaching generally ignore the wide range of Whose job is it to do decisions that are up for negotiation between teachers and learners. Here, what in the briefly, are some of these presented as dichotomous, but clearly not : classroom: Socially n General concentration or alertness: it can be up to the learner to pay constructed learning attention, or up to the teacher to spark interest in the learner.

You cannot really state to your students that a curricular goal is to achieve specific beliefs—it is not a choice as to beliefs—students might believe you or they might not believe you. Yet beliefs have an important impact on language learning strategies and success, etc. Allen in press has documented the change in be- liefs in a student during a term, who began with an idea that he wanted to speak as a native speaker, and put most of his energy into pronun- ciation.

As the term went on, in which the teacher elaborated on the notion of an "interlanguage" that develops naturally through "input, output, and interaction," becoming compatible with the language of native speakers, but for adults rarely becoming identical to it.

The student gradually changed his beliefs to include the notion of interlan- guage, and also the notion that his interlanguage depended on his strat- egy choices.

Late in the term when asked about his English, he said, "for my level of interlanguage, it is perfect. And there are times when it is good to use externally imposed means procedures, requirements and measurements to push learners farther than they would otherwise go.

But there are other times when restricting the process that learners goes through robs them of exactly what they need to make it work. The notion of method lulls us into thinking that all we have to do is follow a method— a better method than the last one. Teaching is much more complex, and finding the balance between these two factors is a personal issue. Much better is to make explicit this issue of the indeterminacy of method, and allow teachers and learners too do their own "exploratory teaching," as Allwright terms it.

A Japanese teacher of English asked me to answer the question "should we use Japanese in the classroom? All I could do was encourage her to continue to explore this question, to experiment and "play" to try it different ways, like tap dancing while washing the dishes , to experience the differences, even to keep a journal to reflect on them.

There is so much more to know about her specific situation than any outsider could possible imagine, and she is the expert on it.

Being attentive to what happens in our specific situation is something often discouraged by reliance on research results. It is not that we want to stop sharing ideas about how to do things, and looking for better ways to proceed. References Allen, L. Allwright, D. What do we want teaching materials for? ELT Journal, 36 , Why don't learners learn what teachers teach? The interac- tion hypothesis. Little Eds. Cazden, C. Adult assistance to language development: Scaffolds, models and direct instruction.

Davis Eds. Newark: International ReadingAssociation. Dornyei, Z. On the teachability of communication strategies. Garton, A. Social interaction and the development of language and cog- nition.

Heisig, J. Remembering the hiragana. Tokyo: Japan Publications Trading Co. Krashen, S. Second language acquisition and second language learning. Oxford: Pergamon. Larsen-Freeman, D. Lightbown, P. Great Expectations: Second language acquisition research and classroom teaching. Applied Linguistics, 6 , McLaughlin, B. Applied Linguistics, 11 , Oxford, R. Who are our students? A synthesis of foreign and second lan- guage research on individual differences with implications for instructional practice.

Schmidt, R. The role of consciousness in second language learning. Ap- plied Linguistics, 11 , Deconstructing consciousness in search of useful definitions for applied linguistics. AILA Review, 11 , VanPatten, B. Evaluating the role of consciousness in second language acquisition: Terms, linguistics features and research methodology.

AILA Re- view, 11, Woods, D. Teachers' interpretations of second language teaching curricula. RELC Journal, 22, Teacher cognition in language teaching: Beliefs, decision- making, classroom practices.

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Griffee, Seigakuin University Stephen A. As formulated by Locke and Locke and Introduction Latham , there are two major premises of goal-setting theory. First, difficult goals result in higher levels of task performance than easy goals.

Given the large number of studies on goal-set- ting, a review and two meta-analyses will be surveyed and their results reported. In a traditional narrative literature review, Locke, Saari, Shaw and Latham define a goal as what a person is trying to accomplish. Other concepts with similar meanings are: purpose, intent, performance standard, quota, work norm, task, objective, deadline and budget.

Of the studies published from to which were examined, 99 sup- ported the hypotheses that specific, hard goals produce better performance than medium, easy, do-best or no goals. Knowledge of results or feedback was examined in 10 studies and results support the idea that neither feed- back nor goals alone is sufficient, but that both goals and feedback are necessary to improve performance.

Tubbs conducted a statistically-oriented meta-analysis and looked at 87 studies with usable results. Tubbs adjusted the mean and variance for effect sizes and also corrected for sampling error and unreliability. Tubbs found support for the difficult goals hypoth- esis, specific goals hypothesis as opposed to vague or general goals , and the participatory goals hypothesis, but less support for the feedback hy- pothesis because of small sample number of studies.

Tubbs concludes that goal difficulty, goal specificity and participation in the goal-setting process are all necessary, and that the feedback hypothesis was supported to a certain extent but is in need of more empirical support. This study made use of meta- analytic moderator analysis and multiple regression analysis. Effect sizes for all studies were corrected for sample size, corrections for measure- ment unreliability were made for predictor variables, and sampling error was calculated.

Two supplemental analyses were performed to focus on feedback and participation in goal-setting. Seven studies were identi- fied which contained the necessary statistics for analysis of the effect of participation in goal selection and "the participative goal-setting groups performed at higher levels than individuals in the assigned goal-setting conditions" Mento et al.

It is concluded that this meta- analytic study provides additional support for the two major premises of Locke's theory of goal-setting as an important motivational factor. Mento et al. The specific research question is, will the assigning of difficult and specific goals result in a statistically significant gain on a word vocabulary test as compared to a control group assigned a general, easy goal no-goal.

Excluding students who did not take both the pre- and post-test reduced each group size to 35 on average. The school is ranked 3rd out of 10 public high schools in an urban area. No reliable and valid proficiency measurements for these participants were available.

In considering content validity, an instrument was designed for the pur- Materials pose of measuring students performance in learning receptive vocabulary they did not know previously. A test of vocabulary-recognition, similar to tests described by Nation , p.

These two forms were identical except for the order of items. In all there were 50 vocabulary items selected for testing, five drawn from the Ministry of Education, Science and Culture list of vocabulary words for junior high school , p.

The five easier items from the Ministry of Education list were chosen to help prevent students from becoming totally discouraged, while the 45 items from the other sources provided students with a challenge. Previous versions of both forms of tests, answers and treatment were reviewed by ten high school and three college English instructors. These forms differed from the final forms only in format and clarity of instruc- tions. A consensus was reached that learning 25 words would be the most specific, difficult goal for students, without being "impossible.

In considering construct validity, students scored higher on the post- test than on the pre-test see Table 2 , showing that the tests measure the performance of students who learned receptive vocabulary.

In considering criterion-related validity, there were no reliable and valid test scores available to compare the results of this test with. Reli- ability was measured using the Kuder-Richardson 20 formula Brown , p. Overall, the reliability is lower on the pre-test,.

Students were given seven minutes to complete the pre-test. One of the Procedures researchers gave each student in each class the same pre-test. Instructions were given in Japanese. After the seven minutes for taking the pre-test expired, the researcher gave students the pre-test answers. The instruc- tions on the pre-test answer sheet served as the control and treatment for the experiment. The first part of the instructions was the same for all classes: "You will have 10 minutes to complete the instructions below.

First, check your answers do not change your answers. However, do not leave your seat, become loud, or cause a disturbance. Both control and experi- mental groups received the same final instructions, "These papers will be collected in 10 minutes. Next the researcher handed students the post-test, which was the same for students in the control and experimental classes.

Students had seven minutes to complete the post-test. After completing the post-test, students handed their papers in to the researcher. The total time to carry out the experiment was about 36 minutes for each class. Analyses A. Analysis of variance ANOVA of the data were carried out to see if any of the experimental groups were statistically significantly different from the control group. The data were analyzed with the StatView 4. The descriptive statistics for all group pre- and post-test scores are shown in Table 2.

The pre-test mean scores show that all five groups are about equal with the 15 group the group assigned the difficult and spe- cific goal of 15 and the 20 group slightly higher than the no-goal group, the 25 group and the 30 group.

A test for homogeneity of variance indi- cated that pre-test group variance was approximately equal. Results of this test indicated that none of the groups were within the alpha probablilty of having significantly different variance. The post-test mean scores show improvement for all groups. The gen- eral, easy goal no-goal group, which serves as the control group, almost doubled its scores from about 9 to about All of the experimental groups did better than the control group with the most significant improvement in the 25 group which went from an average score of about 9 to about We can see from the descriptive statistics in Table 2 that compared to the control group the general, easy goal group , all the groups with more specific, difficult goals did better.

The question is, is this difference more than what we might expect by chance fluctuation alone? To answer this question, a one-way analysis of variance ANOVA was calculated to determine if the post-test mean scores are statistically significantly differ- ent from each other.

The results of the ANOVA test, seen below in Table 3, show that at least some of the scores are statistically significantly different.

A Scheffe test indicates that, as expected, the control group is statistically different from the 15, 20 and 25 groups, but not the 30 group. Eta squared is. As anticipated, instead of plateauing or rising above the word group, the word group showed no significant difference from the no- goal control group. This seems to suggest that the goal was too high, and discouraged students from attaining their peak performance.

Although the control group was given no goals to study vocabulary, some students studied the vocabulary they missed anyway. This might explain why this group was able to nearly double the average of their scores on the post-test. Another reason might be that they learned vocabu- lary or how to take the test from taking the pretest.

The implications for this study suggest that, in order for learners to achieve their highest task performance, they need specific, difficult goals rather than vague, easy or "impossible" goals.

The reliability of the instruments in this study can be improved in two Conclusion ways. First, the total number of questions on the tests can be shortened from 50 to 40, but the choices should remain at 50—this will reduce the chance for students to guess correct answers by the process of elimina- tion. Second, equivalent forms could be used for the tests.

For the pre-test, half of the students could receive Form A and half Form B, a different but equivalent test. For the post-test the students who received Form A should receive Form B and vice versa. This way, the researcher can correlate the coefficients between the two sets of scores, both pre- and post-test, to gain more information about the tests' reliability.

Although not possible in this study, comparing other reliable and valid test scores of students' overall language proficiency such as the TOEFL with the tests used in this study will help determine the criterion-related validity of this test. The research here suggests at least five areas for future research: 1 Can these results be replicated with other populations of students dif- ferent ages, nationalities, etc.

Although goal-setting seems to be an important part of L2 acquisition, the areas for exploration are wide open for further studies. References Brown, J. Testing in language programs. Griffee, D. The Language Teacher, 19 12 , Using goals and feedback to improve student performance on homework. The Language Teacher, 21 7 , Hatch, E.

The research manual: Design and statistics for applied linguistics. Locke, E. Toward a theory of task motivation and incentives. Organiza- tional Behavior and Human Performance, 3 , A theory of goal setting and task performance.

Goal setting and task performance: Psychological Bulletin, 90 , Mento, A. A meta-analytic study of the ef- fects of goal setting on task performance: Organizational Behav- ior and Human Decision Processes, 39 , Ministry of Education, Science and Culture. Handbook for team-teach- ing. Tokyo: Author. Nation, I. Teaching and learning vocabulary. Punnett, B. Goal setting and performance among elementary school stu- dents.

Journal of Educational Research, 80 1 , Sharpe, P. StatView 4. Berkeley, CA: Abacus Concepts. Templin, S. Goal-setting to raise speaking self-confidence. JALTJour- nal, 17 2 , Tubbs, M. Goal setting: A meta-analytic examination of the empirical evidence. Journal of Applied Psychology, 71 3 , L earners' errors were regarded as a negative transfer from L1 by Con- trastive Analysis scholars, who examined the differences of learners' L1 and L2 to predict and eradicate errors.

Corder's rigorous examinations Introduction , , , however, revealed that although many errors are caused by L1 interference, more arise from "idiosyncratic dialects" Corder, or "interlanguage" Selinker, , both of which refer to a transitional system reflecting the learner's current L2 knowledge.

According to Corder, errors are the reflection of L2 learners' internal grammar and they take a similar developmental course to that of children's acquisition of L1 re- gardless of their native tongues. Corder defined "errors" as derived from a learner's compe- tence Chomskyan-style and "mistakes" from performance. However, the ambiguity of the definition was criticized as one of EA's limitations. There- fore the present study adopted the definition of errors made by Lennon: "a linguistic form or combination of forms which, in the same context, would not be produced by the speakers' native speaker counterparts" , p.

Another limitation of EA was its emphasis on errors rather than what learners have achieved. By examining both aspects, this study explores how EA can be still used "as a partial and preliminary source of informa- tion at an initial stage of investigation" Hammarberg, , cited in Ellis, There were only two subjects in this research to enable the inclusion of the detailed Error Analysis procedures. The two subjects were chosen on the grounds that they seemed to be matched in variables regarded as crucial in SLA studies such as gender, motivation, L1, L2, L2 learning periods and manner of learning L2.

Their English learning over 3 years began in formal classroom situations at the same school in Japan when they were At the age of 15 the older subject then moved to Australia where she was completely immersed in a naturalistic environment for 1. Her current English proficiency is high-intermediate, while the younger subject's is high-elementary. They seem equally motivated to learn English as shown by their high marks in English at school, the older one's decision to study English in Australia and the younger subject's desire to also do so.

Making a fur- ther comment on this last factor of data collection medium, he quotes p. Corder , p. Taking this argumentation into consideration, the present study used both clinical and experimental elicitation methods to gain the global view of an L2 learner language.

Data were elicited from both subjects under experimental conditions according to the following procedure. First, on an individual basis sub- jects were shown a series of pictures without text. Then, each was asked to prepare a verbal description and given ten minutes time for prepara- tion.

The pictures were taken from the book, "Frog, where are you? Data was elicited from the older subject under clinical conditions in the form of an unrehearsed monologue concerning an astro- physics camp she attended. No clinical data were elicited from the younger subject.

All data were audio-taped in the presence of the researcher and later transcribed. Error Analysis Corder proposes EA procedures as follows: 1 data-collection, 2 Identification identification of errors, 3 classification of the errors identified, 4 expla- nation of the psycholinguistic causes of the errors, and 5 evaluation of the errors. In identifying errors, Corder categorizes errors into two types: authoritative asking for retrospective data and plausible inferring the intended meaning.

The description of learner errors involves the process of comparing the Classification of the original idiosyncratic utterances and the reconstructed utterances under errors identified certain taxonomies. Most commonly used, Politzer and Ramirez's lin- guistic taxonomy was adopted: morphology, syntax, vocabulary and phonology. As for quantifying the different types of errors, Ellis , p.

Taking the point made, this study shows relative as well as absolute frequencies in order to make worthwhile comments about error frequency. Table 1 shows a list of errors found under experimental conditions. The Results year-old subject's corpus is identified as Text 1 and the year-old's as Text 2. Table 2 contains a list of errors found under clinical conditions. The year-old subject's corpus is identified as Text 3. Error sources were classified into three categories: developmental Explanation of intralingual , interlingual interference from L1 , and unique either a linguistic errors combination of both, or errors attributable to other sources.

The researcher's own intuition was used to judge whether errors were caused by L1 Japanese negative transfers, since his L1 is Japanese. Those errors for which the causes were either too difficult to infer or which fell into both developmental and interlingual categories were grouped under the category unique errors. The summary is shown in Table 3.

While the preceding stages of EA concern errors from an L2 learner's Evaluation perspective, the error evaluation involves examining the effects of errors placed on the listener or reader. Underlying this analysis is the question of which errors cause miscommunication. Concerning this issue, Corder divides errors into "overt" and "covert" errors. Overt errors refer to clear deviations from norms which no native speakers would utter but might be plausibly interpretable.

Covert errors are those superficially well- formed but not meaning what speakers intended to mean. A similar dis- tinction is proposed by Burt and Kiparsky , cited in Lennon , p. Evaluation analyses are summarized in Table 4. Discussion This section first discusses the differences in the quality and quantity of errors detected under experimental conditions.

Then the experimental and clinical data are compared in terms of style-shift and variability. Secondly, Figure 1 indicates similar error frequencies in at least four lin- guistic constituents: vocabulary, preposition, structure, and number. Thirdly, even "verb" and "article," which show differences in error per- centage, appear to support similar error frequencies when seen from a perspective of how efficiently the subjects deal with verbs and articles.

In order to highlight further similarities or differences, the errors in both texts were compared with the natural order of L2 acquisition pro- posed by Krashen see Table 6. The year-old subject, on the other hand, is still in the learning stage for at least four out of nine linguistic areas: plural, copula, auxiliary and third person singular forms.

Table 5 and Figure 2 indicate that the experimental and clinical analysis for different conditions did not result in any major differences in error-occurrence.

As for the linguistic constituents, the errors take a similar pattern in most linguistic fields, apart from preposition er- rors. As shown in Table 7, the preposition accuracy rate is kept constantly high with virtually no difference in each text. Along with prepositions, accuracy rates for articles and pronouns in- cluded in Table 6 seem to indicate a degree of support for Tarone's theory on style-shifting According to this theory, errors in articles and pronouns are less likely to occur in Text 3 clinical conditions than Text 1.

This holds true with pronouns, but not with articles. This discrepancy could be interpreted from several perspectives. One way of explaining it is to examine the gravity of article errors in Text 3. Therefore, it could be concluded that the principle of attending to "discourse cohesiveness" is adhered to in Text 3. Evidence for this might also be obtained from the sharp drop in mean error frequency from Text 1 to Text 3 seen in Table 5.

Another interpretation could be that articles are among the linguistic con- stituents Japanese learners of English find the most troublesome. This could cause deviations from one corpus to another especially when the corpus size is limited. Another interpretation could be that English profi- ciency of the subject is not at an advanced level, which might cause in- consistent results even using the same elicitation methods.

A third inter- pretation might be the subject has fully acquired the form and is using a common contracted form employed widely by native speakers, though regarded by many as inappropriate or lax.

However a larger corpus is needed to obtain a valid reasoning for this discrepancy. This variability analysis focuses on two features: usage of the word "child" Variability and tenses. As for "child," three instances of error are observed: "many childrens," "one of their child" and "one of the children. Considering the subject's proficiency in English, it is surprising that she made such a mistake, but it could be inferred from the three examples that she is aware that it takes an irregular plural form but is unsure of the correct form.

Some of the errors seem to be made systemati- cally while others not. Two systematic errors are closely examined here. The first is seen in perfect tenses: there are 2 instances where past perfect tenses should have been used, however, the present perfect is used in- stead. Judging from the fact that there is not even a trace of varied or deviated forms of the past perfect tense, it could be interpreted that she is not even aware of the form because it does not exist in her L1.

Another interpretation could be that she regards the present perfect form as a form covering both present and past perfect tenses. Secondly the combination of proper names nouns and "be" are in- vestigated. Two errors are made: "Michael's shaking" correct form: Michael was shaking and "Nathan's not" Nathan was not ; while there are two correct forms: "Michael was running" and "Michael was follow- ing.

EA was conducted in a two-fold manner in this study. Firstly, English Conclusion proficiency of two subjects was compared under experimental conditions. Secondly, the two texts in the experimental and clinical conditions drawn from the year-old subject were compared. Evidence of style- shifting was observed in the overall data: the subject attended to discourse cohesiveness in Text 3.

Some plausible reasons for the discrepancy of article errors were speculated, however, no definite conclusion was pos- sible. From a practical point of view, the present EA revealed the linguistic constituents in which the two subjects would receive the most benefit from instruction.

These are past perfect tenses, contraction forms, and the plural form of "child" for the year-old subject and the plural, copula, auxiliary, and third person singular forms for the year-old subject. From a pedagogical standpoint, EA turned out to be more useful when it re- ferred to what learners can and cannot do. As for the actual error analysing, procedures are so time-consuming that it is virtually impossible to apply them to a vast number of subjects. Furthermore, more data than obtained in this study are needed for a more detailed description of error patterns and definite conclusions to be arrived at.

Ideally, scrutiny on prosodic features and pragmatic com- petence are needed for an overall picture of L2 learners in future research. References Corder, P. Significance of learner's errors. International Review of Ap- plied Linguistics, 5, Corder, P. Idiosyncratic dialects and error analysis. International Review of Applied Linguistics, 9, Error analysis.

Corder Eds. The Edinburgh course in applied linguistics, Vol. Techniques in applied linguistics. Ox- ford: Oxford University Press. Dulay, H. Language two. Oxford: Oxford Uni- versityPress. Ellis, R. The study of second language acquisition. Some issues relating to the Monitor Model. In Brown, H. Washington, D. Lennon, P. Error: Some problems of definition, identification, and dis- tinction.

Applied Linguistics, 12 1 , Mayer, M. Frog, where are you? London: Collins. Politzer, R. An error analysis of the spoken English of Mexican-American pupils in a bilingual school and a monolingual school. Language Learning, 18, Selinker, L. International Review of Applied Linguistics, 10, Tarone, E.

Language Learning, 35, T he measurement of second language fluency has been an elusive goal, linked as it is to an understanding of hesitation behavior in speech. Although the linguistic study of such pause phenomena, "pausology" as Introduction it has been called, has an established history in linguistics 1, a large pro- portion of the research that has been done is limited to the investigation of L1 speech in Indo-European languages, and to the cognitive or psycholinguistic functions that such speech behavior reflects.

The present study, by contrast, examines temporal variables in the L2 speech of adult learners of an Asian language, Japanese, and makes no claims about the processes involved in oral production; rather the focus is on the develop- ment in interlanguage speech of easily quantifiable performance features.

In pausology a distinction is generally made between unfilled silent pauses and filled pauses, i. Examples of fillers from English are uh, well, and ya'know; from Japanese ano, ee, and maa. Goldman-Eisler suggests that unfilled and filled pauses reflect different internal processes: unfilled pauses increase with the cognitive difficulty of the task involved, whereas filled pauses reflect affective states like situational anxiety.

If this is correct then we might expect the unfilled pauses to have a stronger relationship to a speaker's level of L2 proficiency. Comparison studies of the L1 and L2 speech of small numbers of bilingual subjects offer some details on hesitation behavior in interlan- guage Deschamps ; Dickerson ; Hieke ; Raupach Deschamps compared L1 French and L2 English cartoon descrip- tions of 20 French university students who had studied English for eight years.

He reports that "when using a foreign language our students did not use lengthened pauses as an extra hesitation device. Instead of length- ening the pauses, they generally increased the number of pauses, so as to avoid the long pauses that speakers naturally try to eliminate. More recently, comparisons of university L2 learners at different lev- els of proficiency provide evidence on the development of second lan- guage hesitation behavior Lennon, ; Riggenbach, ; Kuwahara, ; Russell, Both of these studies report few statistically significant differences in temporal variables be- tween proficiency levels.

For the several hesitation features examined by Riggenbach , only two, unfilled pauses and rate of speech, were significantly different between her "highly fluent" and "highly nonfluent" subjects. Of 12 hesitation features examined by Lennon , three speech rate, filled pauses per T-Unit, and percentage of T-Units followed by pause were significantly different between narratives collected dur- ing the second week and the twenty-third week after the subjects' arrival in Britain.

Russell examined the L2 Japanese attrition of L1 En- glish-speakers from the same population as the subjects of the present study at three different points in time over a period of two years. Despite a detailed and painstaking analysis of pause phenomena in the data from 12 of the subjects, only one of the variables, unfilled pause time, was significantly different over the three administrations.