Sin City, Vol. 4: That Yellow Bastard by Frank Miller

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Shall we permit this? Madame Masque is about to beat Moon Knight, but just then he develops an Echo personality, who tells him to not let her die in vain. The General assured me that he would give the King a faithful and particular account of our inter- views, and that he was certain beforehand of not telling him anything which he was not prepared to hear. The kingdom of Poland, from its first creation, has appeared to us neither more nor less than a powder- magazine. The latter, however, applied for assistance to the French, who intend sending them twenty to thirty thousand men.

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Volume VII of the AFS OrientationHandbook, which should be available in , will provide ideas for Culture shock will strike a small percentage of the exchangees, See especially tables 3, 4, 5, and 6. little girl I was before I left home. Reader Q&A. To ask other readers questions about Sin City, Vol. He spends it hunting down a pedophile and saving the little girl, year-old Nancy Callahan.  リトルガールストライク vol.4-5 Personal $A; Vols (each): Institutions SA, Personal. 1 New South Wales Parliamentary Debates, Series I, Vol. wrote of his little girl pupils: the story of the pastoral strike in the north-west of Western Australia is central. IN the present volume of Prince Metternich's Memoirs certain omissions have Konigswart, August 4,5, Midnight I have just received the enclosed The last Government fell because it had neither the power nor the skill to strike root in France. look of them ; then comes the statue of a little girl playing with a turtle- dove.

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Kaya then came to the clearing to confront Kuro, having learned of his treachery due to Merry managing to survive. Kaya said that she would give Kuro anything he wanted if he left the village, but Kuro told her she needed to die in order to keep anyone from going after him.

Kaya then pulled out a pistol and pointed it at Kuro, but he was able to weaken her resolve and cause her to drop it by degrading her and the memories they shared the past three years. Usopp raced to attack Kuro, but Kuro dodged him with his speed and looked forward to repaying Usopp for punching him the previous day.

He was intrigued to see that Luffy had a Devil Fruit power and decided to take him on, tasking Jango with making Kaya write the will and killing her along with the Usopp Pirates. Kuro used his speed to dodge Luffy's attacks before asking the pirate why he wanted to save the village, and Luffy simply replied that he wanted to protect his friend that lived there. Kuro continued to dodge Luffy's attacks and managed to run on the pirate's outstretched arm and kick him in the face, with the toe of his shoe being sharp enough to draw blood.

This caused the Black Cat Pirates to cheer and chant his name, and Kuro had to remind them that this plan was to allow him to leave behind the name "Captain Kuro" for good. He then resumed attacking Luffy to ensure his plan's success, but Luffy was able to intercept his right-hand claws with a boulder and use it to break them off; Luffy then hit Kuro in the head with the boulder.

Kuro told Luffy that it was the way of a pirate captain to use one's subordinates as pawns for their own gain, but Luffy pointed out that even with so many men under his command, Kuro was still incapable of beating even Usopp.

Kuro attempted to attack Luffy with his Stealth Foot, but Luffy was able to keep up with it and hit Kuro into the cliff face.

Kuro then decided to show Luffy the terror of a real pirate by activating his ultimate move Shakushi , and ran at a blinding speed as he attacked everyone around him, including his crewmates, indiscriminately. Kuro got up and prepared to attack again, but Luffy unexpectedly managed to wrap his arms and legs around his body. Luffy headbutted Kuro before stretching his neck far back and headbutting him again with Gomu Gomu no Kane , which knocked Kuro unconscious and caused his broken glasses to fall to the ground.

The following events are Non-Canon and therefore not considered part of the Canon story. After Luffy received his initial 30,, bounty, Kuro was alerted to the fact by one of his men. In response, Kuro was silent and left the bounty poster on his table as he sat and pondered. While Kuro's whereabouts are currently unknown, it seems the Marines have become aware that he is still alive, and as such have had his bounty reactivated. In the manga, right after slashing down Merry, Kuro continued to attack all over the room, leaving scratch marks all over; [33] in the anime, he instead left the room and went straight for Kaya, seemingly toying with the idea of killing her then and there himself, but holding enough composure to refrain from doing so.

In the manga, when Kaya arrived to the battlefield, she announced her arrival in which Kuro at first tried to welcome her before taunting her of his attempt at Merry's life and causing her to drop her pistol by attacking her emotionally; anime, when she approached from behind, he nearly attacked her in the thought of someone trying an ambush against him, only to realize his mistake when Usopp saved her, while pulling the pistol out of her hands when she was emotionally wounded.

In the manga, Kuro is not seen or mentioned again after his defeat by Luffy. In the anime, Kuro was last seen in a cameo appearance on board of his ship, as the captain again, when his crew informed him of Luffy's 30,, bounty. While the anime thus establishes that Kuro returned to his life of piracy, it appears that he has managed to keep his existence a secret from the Marines. When the inside of Fullbody 's ship was seen in the same episode, Kuro's wanted poster was seen with a red X through it, meaning that he is still believed to be deceased.

Curiously, all English translations of the series leave it as-is, while universally translating the name of his former crew. Two different romanizations exist for his butler alias: Klahadore for all licensed translations, and Kurahadol for most if not all fan translations.

Some of the original connotation is also lost, as the epithet in a Japanese context suggests ruthlessness over general intelligence or resourcefulness. One Piece Wiki Explore. Spin-Offs Video Games. Community Help Back. Media Community Help Back. Explore Wikis Community Central. Register Don't have an account? View source. History Talk Kuro at age Kuro's wanted poster in Movie 9.

Kuro's wanted poster in Movie Kuro in One Piece Unlimited Cruise. Kuro in One Piece: Pirate Warriors 3. Kuro in One Piece Thousand Storm. Kuro in One Piece Bounty Rush. Main article: Cat Claws.

One Piece: Become the Pirate King! Grand Battle! Set Sail Pirate Crew! One Piece: Treasure Wars Aim! While this amounts to little more than an alternative name in the manga, the video games Grand Battle! Categories :. Universal Conquest Wiki. My plan My plan cannot fail!!! Pirates should be faithful pawns of their captain. They live and die by my command. I, who was once the dreaded Captain Kuro, bowed and scraped to a spoiled little girl, and catered to her every whim Can you fathom my humiliation?

He lived? I thought I killed him. Ship s :. Bezan Black. Abilities Weapon Based :. Other :. Related Articles Story Arcs :. Cover Stories :. Jango's Dance Paradise. Specials :.

Syrup Village. Locations :. Ships :. Episode of East Blue. Monkey D. West Blue :. South Blue :. North Blue :. Grand Line Paradise :. New World :. Four Emperors :. Former Retired :. Arrested :. When he is good. The Yellow Bastard is big and bold and brash and and over the top, though still for him almost understated in a way because Hartigan is at the end of his career and so surprisingly good for one of Miller's characters.

View all 4 comments. Shelves: graphic-novel , he-says , traditionally-published , fiction. Hartigan is a cop. Last day before retirement. He spends it hunting down a pedophile and saving the little girl, year-old Nancy Callahan. Because the pedophile was the senator's son, Hartigan - who was shot 6 times AND has a bad heart - is fingered as the pedophile.

He spends 8 years in solitary. Nancy loves him and writes him a letter a week. For eight whole years. Then the letters stop coming. Just an envelope with the finger of a year-old girl. Hartigan knows what he has to do LIKE Hartigan is a cop. Miller does a great job at distinguishing voices. All his strong male leads have a different, distinct voice.

That's a skill. Hartigan leans towards fragmented sentences and he tends to repeat himself a lot. The "hero" of this novel doesn't hit any women. You might think it's weird that I'm mentioning this, but this volume, 4, is the FIRST Sin City graphic novel where the "hero" doesn't strike a woman in the face.

I'm not even counting when "bad guys" do it. But in 1, 2 and 3 the "hero" main character always sees fit to smack a woman around. It wasn't winning any points with me and I'm glad Hartigan never strikes Nancy. Beautiful, stunning illustrations. The plot. It's exciting, it's gripping, it's moving. Hartigan is trying his hardest not to have sex with her, no matter how much she begs, and he's just such a mensch.

And not only a mensch, but someone who's really strong mentally and physically and can get the job done. Also, they use the word "mensch" in the novel. That alone wins points with me, since I use that word in my life when a man deserves it. A bit of humor in this dark novel. They are two thugs who use huge words in order to sound polished. The guard, the prison guard, when Hartigan's in prison - Miller gives him these little thought bubbles all the time like, "My life is worthless. It's hilarious and very well done.

It has a sad ending. View 1 comment. Okay, undoubtedly my favorite out of all the Sin City books so far, comparable with The Hard Goodbye. The addition of yellow ink was such a success too — I felt like I could smell the stench of the yellow man as I read. And the stakes just felt so high. It starts slow, but gets better at the end of the third chapter! Totally reminiscent of the end of the first movie. Reread from high school.

I loved Hartigan and Nancy even more this time around than I did then. He's now tied with Marv as my favorite character. Great read. Recommended to Mark by: Found it on the name Frank Miller. Shelves: dark-tales , noir , , graphic-novel , american-writers , comic , frank-miller.

But the great thing is that the baddie, the title of the novel. And it works very well. John Hartigan the protagonist and our hero is only a few hours from retirement, due to a heartproblem, when he gets a tip off on one of his cases he finds impossible to ignore even with him in his last hours of duty. He wants to catch the perp in the act that is responsible for some sadistic killings.

Has to do it in the act as it is the son of an influential senator who has all the means to get his son freed. Hartigan catches him in the act and maims the perp almost fatally when he gets betrayed and shot down himself. Hartigan underestimated the wrath of the senator and he gets framed for the rape and assault on the senators son, and gets told that if he denies or opens his mouth the 11 year old victim or his wife will suffer the consequenses.

And so Hartigan goes to jail and suffers in silence with as only communication the letters of the victim he saved untill one day the letters stop coming and Hartgan gets a visitor who comes baring gifts of the sadistic kind. A great story of revenge, some gratious violence, some nudity with a bleak ending. The art is just beautifull and shows that Miller is indeed one of the masters in the genre.

Jan 27, John rated it it was amazing Shelves: graphic-novel , urban-fantasy. Frank Miller continues to weave his magic. I like that each book is basically a prequel to the book before it. Miller penchant for penning kick ass characters continues. Hartigan stole the show.

Real tough cop with a big heart. Also liked how Nancy Callahan origin came about. Lastly the artwork and writing of the character the yellow bastard was truly demented and disgusting. Just the way it should be. Sep 10, Ana rated it really liked it Shelves: me-likey-a-lot , law-abiding-citizen , about-murders , borrowed , creatures-spirits , girls-kick-ass , saw-on-screen , sex-drugs-rocknroll , page-turner , fallen-characters.

Until now, this is my favorite installment. Even though it's hard to pick, because "The Big Fat Kill" was also really good, I'm sticking with this one. The Yellow guy is really creepy and the fact that he is drawn in yellow in an all-black drawing work makes him stand out even more. I've already started the 5th Sin City volume. Aug 05, Dan rated it really liked it. Another story that was featured in the Sin City movie. Almost forgot all of the details to this one. This is , for me, the weakest book of the series - so far.

I knew most of the story from the first Sin City movie, but that was not the problem. What I like most about the books is the atmosphere they create. THe impressive dark pictures in combination with some meaningful texts mostly monologs , that's what makes this series special. But I didn't quite get that in this one. It was somehow too little happening, to little talking, to little feeling. Every volume is better than the previous one!

I'm in love with these babies!!! And the artwork in this one Apr 16, Peter William Warn rated it it was ok.

This review has been hidden because it contains spoilers. To view it, click here. Anyone trying to be a hero would have reason to despair. Sin City's hardened residents live in a dystopia controlled by degenerate politicians. Life is cheap and the people in power have lots of money. Hartigan is determined to defy overwhelming odds to try to secure some little bit of justice, and so he defies despair as well.

Hartigan is a cop, not the only good person on the force but one of very few. More typical is his partner, the guy who shoots Hartigan three times in the back and leaves him at the mercy of a maniacal U. Senator who is going to have Hartigan tortured and falsely imprisoned for raping a child. This is what Hartigan gets for saving an year-old girl from being abused to death by the Senator's son.

Between his bad heart, the bullet wounds and what the Senator has planned for him, Hartigan thinks he is going to die. In Sin City: That Yellow Bastard , Hartigan endures eight nightmarish years and still must put himself through hell to save once again the child he thought he had saved for good the first time. When he fails, it is an atypical failure of Miller's storytelling.

The failures start when Hartigan is released from prison and sets out to find the young woman he rescued eight years earlier. Both he and she know that the accomplices of her original tormentor want to kill her and so she has hidden from them. One expects that finding her will challenge Hartigan and test his talents for investigating. Instead: He looks her up in the phone book.

And: She's listed under her real name. The eyes see this and the brain rebels. Miller is a visionary storyteller adept at wielding words and images with dazzling skill. He is not sloppy. But it is sloppy to have a woman in hiding list herself in the phone book. Miller's mastery in all other respects earns him trust and so one reads on, hoping the bit about the phone book is some kind of clever trick.

The nagging concern that it might not be takes the reader out of a narrative that had grabbed us and not let go, until now. One is never again caught up in it so completely. And then the phone book bit turns out to be not clever but careless. It is disappointing. That word applies to little of Miller's work but it applies also to the ending of That Yellow Bastard , which borrows badly from the conclusion of the first Sin City book, which has been re-titled as Sin City: The Hard Goodbye.

We hear gunfire. Hartigan's words from eight years ago echo in his head. He does something irreversible to ensure the girl's safety from the maniacs who want her dead. Except that now she is in as much danger as ever and Hartigan has placed himself beyond being able to help her. But here England is pledged to take up a prominent position ; and as our amicable relations with that Power are thoroughly natural on our part, it is in the order of things that, in the present complication, we should above all consult the interests of Great Britain.

It would be desirable that upon every point which might come to be submitted to general consideration, the Courts of Vienna and London should be able mutually to consult and take measures in a sincere and friendly spirit.

You may announce to the Prince de Polignac, verbally and confidentially, that you have been authorised, should occasion require, to join him and your colleagues for the purpose of considering such overtures as his Excellency may have to make to you.

You will add that the sole direction possible has been given you as a rule for your general guidance ; viz. You will express yourself in the same tenor to Lord Stuart and your colleagues of Russia and Prussia. To enjoin on you to avoid, in your attitude generally, anything which might convey the impression of over-eagerness, appears to me quite needless. As for the English Ambassador, you may inform him that it is with him you will always be prepared, in pre- ference, to come to an understanding.

The assembling of a Conference appears to me, how- ever, still very problematical. The more the French Cabinet desire to have recourse to it, the less will that of Great Britain be, in all probability, prepared to enter on a general discussion of questions which it may justly consider as being peculiarly English. I arrived at Carlsbad on July 27, and re- mained there four-and-twenty hours, in order to put myself in communication with Count Nesselrode. Count Nesselrode was shy and shrank from meeting me.

As, however, I received him with an entire absence of constraint, and proceeded to lay before him, with carefully regulated precision, the points I had pro- posed to myself to touch upon, concluding by addressing to him the reproaches which his political conduct has for years past deserved, his shyness disappeared, and, compelled to place himself on his defence, he soon had to admit the insufficiency of his weapons.

The most conspicuous proof he gave of this was his descending to denials which did not hold good. As every question, however complicated, depends in the last result on some one basis, I have deduced from my conversations with Count Nesselrode the following corollaries which, to my mind, are irrefragable.

From the beginning of the Eastern question, there existed a conspiracy among Russian statesmen to involve the Emperor, their master, in a far-reaching com- plication with the Porte. In their efforts to attain this end they stopped short at nothing. Many aims lay at the foundation of this project. The liberal sentiment which sought to divert the mind of the Emperor Alexander from the monarchical bias which it had taken in the latter years of his life, and thence created new interests ; the circumstance that both the individuals at the head of the Cabinet were foreigners one of them was actually a Corfiote dema- gogue, and the other a semi-liberal of non-Eussian nationality ; the spirit of the Russian people, so prone to be easily stirred up when a question arises of employ- ing force against those weaker than itself all these circumstances so combined to embarrass Count Nessel- rode, that he took the course usually adopted by weak minds, and which consists in following the stream, and swimming down it without regard to the voice of conscience, until they either drown or find some means or other to save themselves.

In this picture is contained, moreover, the key to what has happened. We have seen the Emperor Alexander, to whom, in spite of many splendid gifts of mind and disposition, a sound judgment was denied, enter, from the year , on a course of fatal vacillation. More than forsaken by his own people, misled as to the true state of affairs, and exposed to the most threatening dangers in the internal concerns of his kingdom, he knew not on what course to decide.

Capodistria and a few other individuals could do whatever they liked ; the Emperor had no longer a voice in anything, and Count Nesselrode swam with the stream. With us he could no longer work in harmony, and I, in particular, appeared to him like the sting of conscience.

This is proved by the very words he himself used : ' Ce que dans I' affaire orientate il y a de plus heureux, cest qitelle est finie' This short sentence is the severest. He entirely concurred with my own views. I then passed to other questions of the day, and always with the same result. I concluded this part of the subject with an exposition of my views on the condition of France. Against these, once more, he could advance nothing. When we had got thus far, I observed to him, in a tone of jesting surprise, how strange it must appear, that two men, each of whom was at the same time at the head of a Cabinet, should think alike in every detail, yet to all appearance differ so widely from each other, in the political attitude of their respective Courts!

To this he could make no reply. His first silence appeared to me the most favourable moment for coming out with direct complaints. Here Count Nesselrode interrupted me eagerly, asserting that this blame did not attach to him ; on the. As a voucher for this, he could adduce the work which he had laid before the new Emperor on his accession, the aim of which had been to bring together in a true picture the events of the time subsequent to the year If, as I do not for a moment doubt, you laid a picture of the kind before the Emperor Nicholas, he at any rate attached no credence to it.

Count Nesselrode endeavoured to make me under- stand that this had not been entirely the case ; that many minor circumstances and so on had influenced the Emperor. Things cannot go on so ; you and Russia would be the first to fall a sacrifice. Count Nesselrode assured me, at this point, that he was fully sensible of the dangers now imminent. Thus far I have carried on my conference at Carlsbad.

On August 10, Count Nesselrode comes to Franzensbad, which will bring him into my im- mediate neighbourhood. He will go through the course of treatment there.

Meanwhile events are maturing in France and England, and both will give me the opportunity of carrying on the work in hand. My own view, founded on a thorough acquaintance with the man, is that I shall win over Count Nesselrode's mind. Even so, however, only a negative good will have been attained. The positive good will be brought about by necessity. It is a noteworthy historical coincidence, that the conversation between the two old friends, who had not met again since the autumn of , took place almost at the very hour when the storm, before whose might the legitimate throne of France crumbled into ruins, broke loose in Paris.

It was with the impression of that event, so world- wide in its effects, still fresh on their minds, that the two Chancellors joined hands in Carlsbad over an alliance between Austria and Russia, which was thenceforward to suffer no serious interruption.

The document immediately following No. Both reports were written on the same day, and the arrival atKonigswart of the tidings announcing the outbreak of the July revolution in Paris, falls within the short interval of their composition. Konigswart, July 31, Before the arrival of the present respectful report, the news from Paris of the 26th instant will have already reached your Majesty.

Up to this time only the Moniteur of that date has come into my hands, and that very speedily by way of Frank- fort. The two measures taken by the Government, viz. The King has thrown down the gage to Liberalism. Will the latter take it up? That is the first question. If it determines to do so, what will be the issue of the struggle? Time alone can give the answer to both questions. In any other country than France I should not ask the former ; but in France, where everything even to the sharpest contradictions is possible, it is quite another matter.

There nothing can be foreseen,. Thus much is certain, that victory is now possible for one only of the contending parties. Should the Liberals behave with moderation they will show such proofs of weakness, that the victory of the Government may already be reckoned upon, if only they are success- ful in maintaining the seats and positions of their members.

Thus much may be anticipated, but the result must be waited for. Even if things end in a really severe conflict, the ministerial statement, as given in the Moniteur of July 26, will ever remain a manifesto of the utmost utility. It does not contain a single sentence which we ourselves and with us all rational people- might not have enunciated as fundamental truths. That such truths should be sent out into the world, and that by a Government which so long disowned them, is a great event, come what may!

The month of August will be a great month! It may be said of it in any case, Novus ab integro nascitur ordo! Komgswart, August 1. At this moment when, beyond the tenor of the royal decrees, nothing is yet known to me of the great measure proclaimed by the French Government on July 26, it has occurred to me that it might not be without interest to attempt an analysis, however imperfect, of the measures themselves.

In regard to periodical publications no censorship exists. The measure in force involves a far greater hardship : newspaper proprietors, editors and printers must obtain the consent of the Government before. To any print of less than twenty sheets the censor- ship applies. This has been borrowed from the Carlsbad decrees. The measure, so far as journals and newspapers are concerned, can only be provisional ; indeed, without some modification, no journalistic undertaking could be kept going; here the censorship must come in as the most natural means for attaining the desired end.

The Election law is entirely new, and is very similar in its provisions to that which Napoleon had enacted. Will these good intentions, of which the Government have given such strong and determined proof, carry the day? This, I am convinced, is what no one can tell. Konigswart, August 4,5, Midnight I have just received the enclosed newspaper from Frankfort.

Its contents show that the Revolution, and one too of the extremest type, has won the day in Paris. This fact proves two things : first, that the Ministry erred in the choice of means ; secondly, that I was right when, more than two years back, I called the attention of the Cabinets to the threatening condition of things. Unhappily my words were thrown away.

I perceive the moment has arrived for me to regard the sensation which my unexpected return to Vienna must inevitably excite as of no moment, compared with the necessity for my putting myself near your Majesty. Count Nesselrode was at this time at Carlsbad, distant only a few hours from Konigswart see No.

I hope to arrive there on the 10th or 12th of the current month. I have apprised Count Kolowrat of what has befallen in France, and summoned him to repair to Vienna like- wise. The moment is too weighty and concerns too deeply all the relations of the State for anyone to delay hastening to his post. I hope he will obey the summons. What are the consequences that the catastrophe of the day may not, or I might say, cannot but have on the immediate and even the more distant future?

The side to which we must turn our attention without delay is Italy. It is thither that the revolutionary impulse will unquestionably tend to spread. The fact of the real Jacobites, both old and new, being at the head of the revolt involves rather an element of good than one of great evil.

These people are not popular in France, but they are feared ; and in that country fear does more than everything else put together, though that only for the moment. Konigswart, August 5. May it please your Majesty to receive herewith a recent communication from Baron Miinch which has just reached me, together with a letter from Count Apponyi to the former. This letter puts things in a somewhat clearer light.

The Duke of Orleans has put himself at the head of the revolt ; so that the latter has for the moment a leader. The King is still with the army. How long will things remain thus, and what form will the end take? The occurrence bears hi many respects the stamp of the English Revolution of I have made no change in my travelling arrange- ments, and shall accordingly, as I had this night the honour of informing your Majesty, set out from here.

I hope to arrive at Vienna on the 10th instant. Kb'nigswart, August 5. In accordance with my respectful report of to-day, I have the honour to lay before your Majesty a communication from Count Buol, which has just arrived from Baden, near Carlsruhe. The report itself, and still more the Strasbourg news- paper accompanying it, contains a number of details which prove only too surely that the downfall of things at Paris is well-nigh complete. All the men who have been placed in office belong to the extreme left.

There is not a single respectable citizen among them ; the victory thus remains with the Radicals, as will always be the case in an open struggle between the parties. The subjects which I shall select for discussion at my interview with Count Nesselrode to-morrow, relate principally to the measure which seems to me of the most pressing importance ; the ways and means, namely, by which a basis of union between the Great Powers, and in especial the old Quadruple Alliance, might be found, and the aim of which must be to give unity to their resolutions and proceedings.

Metternich gave it expression in a few words which he wrote down on a small piece of paper, and with which Nesselrode fully con- curred. These words ran as follows : 'To adopt for the general basis of our conduct not in any way to interfere in the internal disputes of France, but, on the other hand, to permit no violation on the part of the French Govern- ment either of the material interests of Europe, as established and guaranteed by general transactions, or of the internal peace of the various States composing it.

That which you say at the end of this report, is what I had in my mind before you wrote to me about it. There must be unity in our principles, our plans, and our mode of carrying them out ; and to effect this, a basis of union between the Great Powers must be re-established. How to carry this into effect is the most urgent problem which you have to solve.

In diplomatic language, the note thus jotted down on a scrap of paper was called, in allusion to the circumstances under which it originated, the Chiffon de Carlsbad.

See No. General Belliard arrived here the night of August , and found the ambassador, Count de Rayneval, no longer there, he having set out the day before for Paris. He appears to have been disappointed at this. He applied to the first secretary of the Em- bassy, who requested me, on the morning of the 27th, to name the hour at which I could see the General. I invited him to call on me at two in the afternoon.

The General, accompanied by M. General Belliard began the conversation by discharg- ing the mission with which he informed me he was entrusted. His Majesty has commanded me to add to his written words a verbal assurance of the sentiments of most sincere friendship which he feels for the Emperor, and at the same time his.

I have further been commanded to declare in the name of his Majesty, and in the most solemn manner, that the new Govern- ment desires nothing but the maintenance of peace in Europe ; that it is prepared to respect and will continue to respect all the treaties ; that it does not and Avill not look for any extension of territory, and that its most earnest desire is not to find itself called upon to undertake the legitimate defence of its rights and domains.

On this point, Prince, I am even commanded to inform you that the King has resisted entreaties which have reached him from many sides on this subject. His Majesty will continue to resist them ; nay, more agents have at once been despatched by the Government to exhort the dis- turbers of the public repose not to expose themselves to defeat by counting on any support from him. At the conclusion of this address, General Belliard offered me the copy of the letter of which he was the bearer.

I refused to receive it. What I have no hesitation in at once stating to you, is that the Emperor, true to the same rules of wisdom and reason.

His Majesty has no intention, either now or hereafter, of mixing himself up in the affairs of your great and unhappy country ; on the other hand, his Majesty has no idea of allowing the new Government to intermeddle with his affairs. His Majesty has consistently respected and will continue to respect the sanctity of treaties ; he recognises in them the sole basis for the maintenance of political re- pose ; and he is deeply convinced that in this all the European Powers are animated by one and the same thought.

There is a rule which never deceives those who follow it, and which consists in founding all calculations on the basis of interests. The foremost interest of every Government is that of con- solidation and preservation. Men on arriving at power naturally desire its maintenance ; but it is not in the paths of disturbance that this is found possible.

Rest assured, therefore, that I entertain no doubt as to the reality of what yo. Will the Government be able to enforce what it wishes? My mind is quite made up on this point. The General replied that the doubt I had just expressed to him was worthy of a statesman, and that. You have read his proclamation. The effect of the Royal utterances has been complete ; numerous gatherings had once more been formed ; there needed nothing more to disperse them than the mere posting of the proclamation.

The vast majority in France desire peace at home and abroad. It is in reliance on this majority, and by placing himself at its head, that the Xing will be able to keep what is really equivalent to engagements entered into by him. The last Government fell because it had neither the power nor the skill to strike root in France. This will not be the case with the new Government. Of two alternatives I can only admit one ; either the character of Mgr.

Now, intimately acquainted as you were with Napoleon, do you believe that, placed in the position of the present Government, he would have considered himself in possession of the requisite means for governing, or, what comes to the same thing, would have considered himself in a condition to assure his throne and the maintenance of internal tranquillity in France?

Can that which Napoleon would not have recognised as sufficient be justly looked upon by the new Government as capable of affording it secure pledges of existence? To this question General Belliard made the only reply open to him. He was silent, and after a moment's reflection said to me : ' Things are changed, Prince ; France is no longer the France of the past, and she must be governed by new methods.

Not feeling called upon to evoke a polemical dis- cussion, I let the conversation drop at this point, once more telling the General that I would take the commands of his Imperial Majesty, and communicate them to him. This discussion, which was carried on in terms of the utmost propriety, gave me the opportunity of becoming acquainted with a particular circumstance, of the details of which I had hitherto been ignorant.

At the moment when the Duke of Orleans had been proclaimed by the Chamber Lieutenant- General of the kingdom, he wrote to General La Fayette, who was organising a commune at the Hotel de Yille in imitation of those of republican memory.

The General made no reply what- ever to it. The Duke subsequently addressed two more letters to him, with a like result. When the Chamber came to pay its respects to the Lieutenant-General, the Duke informed the deputies of what had just happened, and imparted to them his determination to go in person and unattended to the Hotel de Ville. An immense crowd lined the road from the Palais Royal to the Hotel de Yille.

From the starting-point to the Place de Greve, the Duke was received by this crowd with the warmest demonstrations of joy and devotion. But the people who filled the Place de Greve presented a very different appearance ; their attitude was sullen, even threatening.

Little by little, the enthusiasm of the crowd which accompanied the Duke and his suite communicated itself to the Place de Greve, and before the Prince had dismounted, the cries of " Long live the Lieutenant- General " became unanimous. Proceeding then to the council-chamber, the Duke took General La Fayette by the arm, and led him to the balcony ; there he embraced him, and it was all over with the Republic.

A kiss is a slight exertion to stifle a Republic with ; but do you really think you can attach the same weight to all the kisses which may hereafter be given? I rose, and he thereupon asked me, with some embarrassment, whether the honour of paying his respects to the Emperor would be denied him much longer?

I replied, that not having yet received his Majesty's commands, it was not for me to anticipate them. I know what is demanded of me from the honour of him I represent ; I can well believe, on the other hand, that there are many interests which. The Emperor having signed the answer to the letter of which General Belliard had been the bearer, I handed it to the latter this evening ; and on this occasion the following conversation took place between us:.

I have had the honour of conversing with you on two separate occasions, on the grave circum stances of the moment ; but desirous as I am that no uncertainty should be left on your mind in regard to the actual intentions of the Austrian Cabinet, I hold it my duty to summarise, in a few words, the whole truth as it presents itself to us.

Count Metternich, on September 1, wrote the following note to Count Nesselrode, then in Vienna, and preparing for his return to St. Petersburg :. Decisions definitely taken and clearly expressed are the only ones which can properly be supported by public opinion. The latter resembles a ship in the midst of the tempest : some direction or other must be given to it, and the best is always to be found in a course which may be openly avowed.

The opinion of all reason- able men with you and happily their number is very great is in perfect harmony with the system agreed upon personally by us at Carlsbad. It is the only reasonable one, I will go so far as to say the only one possible for civilised States.

My determination being to perish with it, I shall know how to do my duty ; nor is this my motto only it is that of the Emperor too. New Europe, on the other hand, has not as yet even begun its existence, and between the end and the beginning there will be a chaos. Personal contact is what no other kind of relations can replace. The Emperor's deep, irresistible feeling is that the present order of things in France cannot last. These means they can only find in a return to those rules and principles on which all Governments rest.

Then, leaving out of account their origin, they will find a course of action open to them which they can follow in common with all the European Governments ; pre- servation is what all desire; fools alone aim at destruction. There are times and circumstances in which the actual good is impossible ; wisdom then suggests that Governments, like men, should adhere to what is the least of evils. The Emperor, in taking the course you see him now follow, has consulted this rule ; he sees behind the phantom of a Government in France nothing but the most pronounced anarchy.

His Imperial Majesty has been unwilling to have to reproach himself with favouring anarchy. We shall never permit of encroachments on its part ; it will encounter us and Europe wherever it tries to exercise a system of propaganda. As for policy, Austria frames none, and the circumstances of the case are assuredly not favourable for forming one.

Our policy is exclusively confined to the maintenance of treaties and of the public repose. The General assured me that he would give the King a faithful and particular account of our inter- views, and that he was certain beforehand of not telling him anything which he was not prepared to hear.

Monsieur mon Frere, Cousin, et Beau-Frere, I announce my accession to the throne to your Imperial and Royal Majesty by the letter which Lieutenant- General Count Belliard will present to you in my name; but it is needful I should speak to your Majesty, with entire confidence, on the results of a catastrophe which I would so gladly have averted. For a long time past it has been a matter of regret to me that King Charles X. I was far, how- ever, from foreseeing the stupendous events which have recently taken place, and I went so far as to believe that in default of that frank and loyal temper in the spirit of.

But since the 8th of August, , the new composition of the Ministry had greatly alarmed me. I observed the degree to which that composition roused the suspicion and dislike of the nation, and I was uneasy, in common with the whole of France, as to the measures we might expect from it. Nevertheless, attachment to the laws and love of order have made such progress in France that the opposition to the Ministry would in all pro- bability not have over- stepped parliamentary limits had not this very Ministry, in its madness, given the fatal signal to do so, by the most imprudent and audacious violation of the Charter, and the abolition of all the guarantees of our liberties, to defend which there is not a single Frenchman who would hesitate to shed his blood.

No excess has stained this terrible struggle; still it could hardly fail to shake to some extent our social fabric, while the very exaltation of men's minds, at the same time that it kept them from anything like disorder, hurried them into attempting to realise political theories w r hich would have plunged France, and perhaps Europe, into great calamities.

It was in this state of things, Sire, that all hopes were turned towards me. The vanquished themselves looked upon me as necessary to their safety. I have therefore accepted this noble and difficult task, laying aside all the personal considerations which united to make me wish to be exempted from it, from the feeling that the least hesi-.

The title of Lieutenant- General of the Kingdom, which left everything open, aroused a dangerous distrust. It was necessary without delay to pass out of a provisional state of things, not only in order to inspire the necessary confidence, but to save that Charter the preservation of which is so important, and which would have been gravely com- promised had not men's minds been quickly satisfied and reassured. It will not escape your Majesty's per- spicuity or deep wisdom, that, in order to attain this salutary end, it is highly desirable that what has taken place in Paris should be regarded in its true light, and that Europe, justly appreciating the motives which have guided me, should bestow on my Government the confidence it has a right to inspire.

I would beg your Majesty not to lose sight of the fact that so long as Charles X. The ties of family and relationship which unite me to your Majesty will only increase my desire to see the goodwill happily existing between our States strengthened and confirmed. These, Sire, are my sincere sentiments, and I venture to believe that you will deign to share them. I took the opportunity offered by the return of General Belliard to Paris to write to you.

I have still, however, nearly everything to tell you to complete what is essential for you to know. The gaze of the impartial and enlightened observer rests at the present time upon a world in ruins. Nothing at present existing in France can endure, for everything lacks a basis and support, while everything yet standing outside the kingdom is exposed to the liability of attack.

There is no need to take into consideration an armed attack on the part of France. The persons there likely to give the signal for political warfare have neither the time to think of it nor the power to carry it into execution.

The reflections contained in your last reports on this subject are perfectly just. I go still further, and admit, without fear of being mistaken, that the new Government dreads a rupture with the Powers far more than the latter would have reason to apprehend it. The most obvious proof of the difficulty of its situation lies in the very fear it cherishes on this point.

It perceives the incompatibility existing between it and the repose of Europe, and aspires to become what it never can become, a guarantee for the peace of the world! The real difference between the situation in France during the last few years and that now existing, lies in this : that the Revolution now shows itself openly, whereas at that time it was still covered by a light veil.

Your credentials, Count, have not yet been sent, for the two following reasons : in the first place, there is a rumour current that the new French Government. Be pleased to express yourself frankly on both these matters to Count Mole, and to use the utmost simplicity in placing the two questions before him.

The decisions which it caused us most trouble to arrive at have been taken ; henceforward we pursue a course free from all reserve. You will place yourself in direct communication with the Cabinet, and look upon yourself as in the position occupied by the representatives of the Powers in the interval of transition from one reign to the next. His Majesty, having deemed it expedient to recall the Count de Mier from the post he now holds, has chosen your Excellency to replace him as Ambas- sador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary at the Court of his Majesty the King of the Netherlands.

Our whole attention is concentrated on the events of the day, among which the kingdom of the Netherlands occupies only too prominent a position. One keenly debated question to which those events have given rise, is the separation of the Belgian provinces from the ancient provinces of Holland a separation eagerly demanded by a large proportion of the Belgian people. This question lends a fresh importance to the mission with which your Excellency is intrusted, and affords the principal subject of the instructions yet remaining for me to give you.

The full and complete union of the Belgian provinces with the ancient provinces of Holland having been guaranteed by the Allied Powers under the Treaty of. July 21, , and the conditions laid down by them for this union forming an integral part of the funda- mental law of the kingdom, the King of the Netherlands is necessarily under strict obligations on this point. His minister has in consequence, as your Excellency will see by the enclosed document, recently applied to the Cabinets of the Powers signatory to the Treaties of and , with a view of taking joint action with them in regard to the modifications which, under the circumstances, it might be necessary to apply to the fundamental law, and particularly to the stipulations above-mentioned.

The Powers signatory to the treaties on which depends the constitution of the kingdom of the Nether- lands, being now called upon to take into consideration the situation of the kingdom and the peculiar position of the King, can have but two objects to keep in view, viz.

The imperative necessity of arresting the progress of the revolutionary spirit in a country like Belgium, so fruitful in the elements of disorder, and so exposed to the influence of the dominant party in France. The importance, based upon the general interest, of not weakening the system of defence established at the price of so many sacrifices between the Ehine and the North Sea,.

It is before all indispensable to keep clear and independent of French influence any innovation which it may prove inevitable to make. There can be no question that the chief cause of the perplexities by which the Government is now beset, is to be looked for in the antipathy existing between the Belgian people and the Dutch.

This antipathy is founded on the diversity of commercial, agricultural, and other interests between. If any doubt could exist on this point, the French Government would itself have dispelled it by the tone it has assumed in regard to the disturb- ances in Belgium, and its declaration beforehand that it could permit of no foreign intervention in the case of any revolution in the kingdom of the Netherlands. The faction which has just triumphed in France sees in the Belgian people not only an accomplice but also a possible support, in case of need, against foreign Powers.

There can be no doubt that it would hold the same language in regard to Piedmont, if unhappily that country were to follow the example of Belgium.

The position of the Powers invited by the Govern- ment of the Netherlands to assist it in its efforts to stem the torrent of the Revolution, is assuredly one of great delicacy.

Their part lies in consenting to the modifica- tion of the stipulations signed under the Treaty of July 21, , so far as may be judged necessary or useful for facilitating the course taken by the Govern- ment 3 at the same time that it affords the latter a support against revolutionary faction. It is to be anticipated that the agitators in France will look with dislike on any such understanding between the Government of the Netherlands and the Allied Powers.

It is not with the assistance of the latter that they would like to see a. The great problem will be to prevent the changes which are inevitable from assuming the appear- ance of concessions extorted by force, and to keep up the appearance at least of sovereign will. All depends on this. It is to be hoped, moreover, that the enlightened portion of the Belgian nation, taking into account the advantages and disadvantages of a separation, will itself aid the Government in its efforts to render it as little prejudicial as possible to sovereignty, and in confining it to regulations relating to the internal administration, the liberty of worship, and possibly a more accurate redistribution in the national representation.

It is easy to foresee that any concession made beyond these limits, far from obliterating the antipathy between the different peoples of the kingdom, will serve only to pave the way for a total separation an event to which France looks forward with impatience. It is this consideration which leads us to direct our attention to the defensive system of the kino'dom of the Netherlands, and that military.

The maintenance and defence of this line, bound up as they are with the general interests of Europe, are a burden which can only be shared in common by all the pro- vinces of the kingdom, and consequently any modification of the present regime which would compromise that system of defence on the French frontiers, must be looked upon as inadmissible.

In view of the gravity of the circumstances, and the urgent necessity of arriving at a decision, your Excellency is authorised, Avithout previously consulting your Court, to accept without hesitation any invitation.

I shall not be able to set out from here till early on Wednesday, as the duty devolves on me of sending off several despatches, which cannot be ready before to-morrow evening. The burning question of the day is that of the Netherlands. A courier sent here by the King was the bearer of a letter to your Majesty, accompanied by a request to the Cabinet to despatch an army forthwith to the Netherlands, already looked upon as lost.

A similar demand has been forwarded to the Courts of London, Berlin, and St. I have just received tidings from Berlin, also by courier, of the arrival there of a similar demand, which naturally puts them in great perplexity. I shall have the honour of bringing your Majesty all these despatches, and at the same time indicating how, in my opinion, they ought to be dealt with. The demand of the King of the Netherlands for material aid from Austria is most ill- considered.

For my part I am convinced that all is lost in the Netherlands. The best and, in fact, the only thing to do, is to bring that country into such relations with the.

A question of enormous difficulty has just been opened up by the Belgian insurrection. Although as yet totally uninformed of the course likely to be pur- sued by the British Cabinet, which more than any other is called upon to give judgment on a question present- ing so many cardinal points of contact with the political system of England, we have nevertheless found it impossible, in face of the application made to us by the King of the Netherlands, to defer making known our sentiments in regard to that Prince.

The King of the Netherlands has instructed his ambassador at Vienna to acquaint us with the contents of a secret despatch, in which his Majesty declares that his only object in appealing to Austria for military assistance was to avoid any semblance of a want of uniformity in the statement of his wishes to the allies, though aware, as he admits, that any display of military force in the Netherlands on the part of Austria was impracticable. In this the King has not deceived him- self ; but the Emperor, on his side, will never hesitate to lend his moral support to the Courts who are nearer to the scene of operations, and who, for that very reason, would alone be in a position to act.

What his Imperial Majesty thus concedes, in conformity with that principle of solidarity on which he considers the only remaining hopes of safety to be based, he demands in return from his allies, in the event of armed interference being necessitated in Italy by events tending to subvert peace in that country. The Emperor, Prince, will never admit the principle of non-intervention, in face of the persistent activity of the revolutionary propaganda.

His Imperial Majesty recognises it not only as his right, but also his duty, to lend to every lawful authority attacked by the common enemy every kind of assistance which circum- stances may permit him to employ. That a similar declaration can be put forward, without reserve, by the British Government we do not believe, and we fully admit that, in the interests of that very prin- ciple of preservation common to the Allied Powers, the latter must beware of compromising the safety of the social order, by too sedulous an endeavour to obtain absolute uniformity in the application of that principle.

The cry of the day is, Fraternity among nations, and we know what faction understands by ' nation ' and ' fraternity. I submit the present despatch to your discretion, Prince, to be used as you shall see fit, in your explana- tions with the British Ministry. If we would not miss the path which alone can conduct us to the end we have in view, the following, as it seems to us, are the two conditions we must start from :. The distribution of the several parts which, in virtue of this moral solidarity, each of the Allied Powers may be called upon to play.

May theories and abstractions give way to sound, practical good sense!

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It is to be anticipated that the agitators in France will look with dislike on any such understanding between the Government of the Netherlands and the Allied Powers.

It is not with the assistance of the latter that they would like to see a. The great problem will be to prevent the changes which are inevitable from assuming the appear- ance of concessions extorted by force, and to keep up the appearance at least of sovereign will. All depends on this.

It is to be hoped, moreover, that the enlightened portion of the Belgian nation, taking into account the advantages and disadvantages of a separation, will itself aid the Government in its efforts to render it as little prejudicial as possible to sovereignty, and in confining it to regulations relating to the internal administration, the liberty of worship, and possibly a more accurate redistribution in the national representation.

It is easy to foresee that any concession made beyond these limits, far from obliterating the antipathy between the different peoples of the kingdom, will serve only to pave the way for a total separation an event to which France looks forward with impatience. It is this consideration which leads us to direct our attention to the defensive system of the kino'dom of the Netherlands, and that military.

The maintenance and defence of this line, bound up as they are with the general interests of Europe, are a burden which can only be shared in common by all the pro- vinces of the kingdom, and consequently any modification of the present regime which would compromise that system of defence on the French frontiers, must be looked upon as inadmissible. In view of the gravity of the circumstances, and the urgent necessity of arriving at a decision, your Excellency is authorised, Avithout previously consulting your Court, to accept without hesitation any invitation.

I shall not be able to set out from here till early on Wednesday, as the duty devolves on me of sending off several despatches, which cannot be ready before to-morrow evening. The burning question of the day is that of the Netherlands. A courier sent here by the King was the bearer of a letter to your Majesty, accompanied by a request to the Cabinet to despatch an army forthwith to the Netherlands, already looked upon as lost.

A similar demand has been forwarded to the Courts of London, Berlin, and St. I have just received tidings from Berlin, also by courier, of the arrival there of a similar demand, which naturally puts them in great perplexity. I shall have the honour of bringing your Majesty all these despatches, and at the same time indicating how, in my opinion, they ought to be dealt with. The demand of the King of the Netherlands for material aid from Austria is most ill- considered.

For my part I am convinced that all is lost in the Netherlands. The best and, in fact, the only thing to do, is to bring that country into such relations with the. A question of enormous difficulty has just been opened up by the Belgian insurrection. Although as yet totally uninformed of the course likely to be pur- sued by the British Cabinet, which more than any other is called upon to give judgment on a question present- ing so many cardinal points of contact with the political system of England, we have nevertheless found it impossible, in face of the application made to us by the King of the Netherlands, to defer making known our sentiments in regard to that Prince.

The King of the Netherlands has instructed his ambassador at Vienna to acquaint us with the contents of a secret despatch, in which his Majesty declares that his only object in appealing to Austria for military assistance was to avoid any semblance of a want of uniformity in the statement of his wishes to the allies, though aware, as he admits, that any display of military force in the Netherlands on the part of Austria was impracticable.

In this the King has not deceived him- self ; but the Emperor, on his side, will never hesitate to lend his moral support to the Courts who are nearer to the scene of operations, and who, for that very reason, would alone be in a position to act. What his Imperial Majesty thus concedes, in conformity with that principle of solidarity on which he considers the only remaining hopes of safety to be based, he demands in return from his allies, in the event of armed interference being necessitated in Italy by events tending to subvert peace in that country.

The Emperor, Prince, will never admit the principle of non-intervention, in face of the persistent activity of the revolutionary propaganda. His Imperial Majesty recognises it not only as his right, but also his duty, to lend to every lawful authority attacked by the common enemy every kind of assistance which circum- stances may permit him to employ. That a similar declaration can be put forward, without reserve, by the British Government we do not believe, and we fully admit that, in the interests of that very prin- ciple of preservation common to the Allied Powers, the latter must beware of compromising the safety of the social order, by too sedulous an endeavour to obtain absolute uniformity in the application of that principle.

The cry of the day is, Fraternity among nations, and we know what faction understands by ' nation ' and ' fraternity. I submit the present despatch to your discretion, Prince, to be used as you shall see fit, in your explana- tions with the British Ministry. If we would not miss the path which alone can conduct us to the end we have in view, the following, as it seems to us, are the two conditions we must start from :. The distribution of the several parts which, in virtue of this moral solidarity, each of the Allied Powers may be called upon to play.

May theories and abstractions give way to sound, practical good sense! Let us leave all that to the new Liberal School, and only borrow from them that identi- fication of the end with the means, that indefatigable activity which they have employed with such effect in the pursuit of their pernicious designs!

Let us oppose a union of Government and the real people to that apocryphal fraternity which the enemies of peace and order are seeking everywhere to establish between the mighty revolutionary power and the proletariate of all times!

The compromise proposed by the British Cabinet relative to the settlement of the Belgian diffi- culty, does not differ fundamentally from the one we had ourselves thought of ; not that we look upon it as the best, but because, after maturely taking into con- sideration, on the one hand, the actual state of things in Belgium, on the other, the powers and dispositions of the two States more directly or even solely called upon to undertake an immediate armed intervention, we have been driven to the conclusion that it is the most prac- tical measure to adopt.

If our ideas so far are in harmony with those of the Duke of Wellington, we cannot but deeply regret, on the other hand, the method, I had almost said the absence of method, which has marked his proceedings.

We are also of opinion that the French Government cannot be excluded from participating in the debates relative to the pacification of Belgium, but we had a right to expect that the British Cabinet would not put France so prominently forward, and that at least Lord Aberdeen would have been instructed to postpone any steps on the part of the English Government at Paris, till such time as it should have consulted with the repre- sentatives of the Allied Courts at London, on the plan the English Cabinet proposes to follow.

The reports which reach us from France are unani- mous as to the dismay caused there by the bare idea of a breach with England. How deeply is it to be regretted that the Cabinet of all others in a position to throw a solid weight into the scale of the maintenance of general tranquillity, is not conscious of its own power. This deplorable circumstance is doubtless to be ex- plained by the want of foresight and of that true political inspiration, so essentially preventive, which in England is generally conspicuous by its absence ; but the fact is none the less to be regretted.

The instructions, Baron, you took with you from here No. At that time the possi- bility of an arrangement involving nothing more than the separation of the administration, properly so called, of the two divisions of the kingdom, was open to our consideration. The actual separation of the two divisions of the king- dom has now been pronounced by the States- General. The Court of London has in view a negotiation, in which the Allied Courts and France are to take part.

You will be pleased, Baron, to keep in mind the following points of view, and look upon them as the invariable rule for the guidance of your conduct :. In the shipwreck lately experienced by the King of the Netherlands, the endeavour must be to save whatever can be saved, as well in the interests of his crown as in those of the maintenance of the equilibrium established by the great European treaties.

To aim at what can by no possibility succeed, would be to lose time of the utmost value for the public welfare. Both his Majesty and the Powers should therefore confine. To assure to the creation of the Powers the weight of a counterpoise to the ambitious views of France, and to prevent Belgium, whether by its formal incorporation with France or an independence which would be purely nominal, from forming part of the political territory of that Power ;.

To settle the future relations of the two parts hitherto one and indivisible, of the kingdom of the Netherlands, on bases calculated to assure as far as may be the internal tranquillity of those parts, and to establish natural ties between them. The application of these principles being impos- sible without a frank, earnest, and impartial deliberation on the part of the Allied Powers, France, and his Majesty the Kins' of Holland himself, and a conference.

Should a conference be formed at London, you will be no less careful, Baron, to identify yourself as closely as possible with the line of action taken by your colleagues of Great Britain, Prussia, and Russia.

In conjunction with them you will advantageously establish and regulate your relations with the French ambassador. To these short maxims must our supplementary instruction be confined, the only one in our power to give you. If there is nothing left for me to tell you as to the judgment we have formed on the past, it is the same with the hopes we entertain for the future. Metternich to Ficquelmont at St. Petersburg confidential despatch , Vienna, October 13, At no epoch of modern history has the frame- work of society been beset with greater dangers than have attended the recent convulsion in France.

The true, nay, I do not hesitate to say, the last anchor of safety still left for Europe, is to be found in an under- standing between the Great Powers, founded on the conservative bases of their great and auspicious alliance.

Although no understanding was come to between the principal Powers of Europe in the first moments following upon the downfall of the reigning house in France, perfect unanimity was displayed by the monarchs in the attitude they adopted towards it.

There remains, therefore, only to confirm the prospects of the future by a wise prevision and united moral action on their part.

Our ideas on the subject relate to the following points :. The extraordinary influence exercised by the Revolution of July over men's minds, far beyond the. This influence is, for several reasons, far more decisive than that of the Revolution of was or could be. What methods have not been employed, since that now remote epoch, to beguile the masses in every state!

The entire generation has been brought up in the dogmas of Liberalism ; too young to have witnessed the disasters of the past, the new generation has been led to consider public order, established only at the cost of gigantic efforts, as the natural conse- quence of a previous revolution, directed solely against hateful abuses, the relics of barbarous times!

Again, what a difference between the action of the old, absurd propaganda, and the network which sectaries, wiser in their generation, have long been con- triving to spread over the whole face of Europe! While admitting these mournful truths, we must not, on the other hand, allow ourselves to be cast down by the existing evil.

The great bulk of the population, the mass which is, as a rule, inert, the people, properly so called, is threatened by the events of the day, in its most real and vital interests. Everywhere its gaze is fixed on the Power which is hindered and thwarted at every step by the men who have acquired a pernicious influence over the middle-class of society.

Well-com- bined measures, consistent regularity in action, and above all, the clearest demonstration of the existence of an active feeling of solidarity between the Governments- such are the indispensable conditions of any system Avhich should seek to reconstruct the fabric of social order, shaken, as it is, to its foundations.

So thoroughly are the agitators convinced of this truth, that the new French Government, that plaything. What the Government of the Revolution fears, we should cherish ; what it rejects, we should adopt. The continent to the east of France, including the Kingdom of the Netherlands and the Italian Penin- sula. Whatever difference may exist in the position of the different Governments of Europe, and the forces at their disposal, all must nevertheless consider themselves as united by a common interest, that of their own preserva- tion.

The difference between them can relate only to the amount of readiness each may display in pledging themselves to lend assistance in case of need, and the possibility of rendering such assistance to those who may require it. From this point of view, the English Government stands in a peculiar position, and one that is all the more beset with difficulty in that it is full of contradic- tions.

Prepared, as it is, to resist not only any encroachments by France on the kingdom of the Netherlands, but all such revolutionary pretensions as might tend to the separation of countries united by treaties, the British Government would doubtless ex- perience much difficulty in interfering, to any purpose, on behalf of other parts of the European continent. But are the Powers which possess greater latitude of action to suffer their efforts to be frustrated, because the British Government may find itself hampered in arriving at such decision as it may deem salutary?

There is nothing to indicate the necessity of such a course ; for, short of a complete reversal of the system so nobly followed by England in more than one epoch fraught with danger to Europe, the Government of that country, however it may be hindered by special considerations from pronouncing in favour of such measures of safety, will never go so far as to oppose them.

In pursuing this train of argument, the great Eastern mass is the first to call for notice, and to this we must now direct our attention. The union of the three Great Powers, once unmis- takably demonstrated, will involve that of the remaining States. This union, to be effective, can only be founded on the well-known bases of the ancient Alliance, and the spirit of the transactions of , , and , with an exceptional reference, in special cases, to those of and To renew this guarantee would be essentially to weaken it.

It would be necessary either to exclude France from such an undertaking, or invite her to take part in affirming the renewal. In the former case,. In regard to another guarantee, that, namely, of reciprocal aid in maintaining internal tranquillity, the members composing what we call the Eastern mass present noticeable differences. The three Great Powers have hitherto been able to disregard, and can in future continue to disregard, any reciprocal guarantee; their community of interests, and the unanimity prevailing among their respective monarchs, afford all they can require.

The fundamental legislation of the Germanic Federa- tion rests on the basis of the guarantee, and consequently on mutual aid in case of need. Switzerland has in her favour the guarantee of her perpetual neutrality.

She could only lose the support of the Powers in the event of her permitting that neutrality to be violated or her soil becoming a hotbed of revolutionary agitation. There remain the Netherlands and the Italian States. These divisions being so peculiarly exposed, demand our special attention.

The questions arising out of the above considera- tions, which seem to us deserving of serious attention, are the following :. The demonstration of the unalterable deter- mination of the allies to take their stand on the bases of their ancient alliance.

Courts may be induced, in a spirit of confidence, to adhere to the course of action laid down by the Great Powers. As to the first point, it will be necessary to consider how and under what form the demonstration of the solidarity of the Powers can best be effected.

Mean- while, the declarations concurrently addressed to France have already contributed to the carrying out of the first of these requirements. These declarations are known to the smaller Courts, and AVC believe that, in their own interests, they will have taken note of them. The requisite steps have already been taken by Austria for attaining the second of these objects, both by calling the attention of the Germanic Diet to the protec- tive laws of the Federation, and by addressing declara- tions of the most precise character to the Italian princes.

But these steps require to be sanctioned by the demonstration of entire approval on the part of the other great Allied Courts. It will be a question of ex- tending the same care to the kingdom of the Netherlands.

There is one consideration which appears to us to be of the greatest importance, and this is, the immense difference, both as regards its initiation and its con- sequences, which will always be involved in any assistance lent to a State by a neighbouring Power, acting on its own impulse, and in its own interests, and that resulting from a solidarity openly avowed by the Powers. In the considerations we have here briefly discussed, we have not yet touched on the possibility of a war actually breaking out between France and her neigh- bours.

France, situated as she now is, can have no thought of undertaking an aggressive w T ar ; but there is none the less a danger of political warfare.

This may. When anarchy comes to a head in any great State, it inevitably leads it to internal or external war ; sometimes to both scourges at once. The event of war, although, in our opinion, ranking only second among probable contingencies, should nevertheless not be left out of view by the foremost guardians of the general tranquillity ; that honourable part to which the Allied Powers have devoted them- selves, in the true spirit which animates their union.

With regard to so important an object, only one measure seems to us, for the moment, feasible ; and this is, for the three Great Continental Powers to reckon up their military forces, to put them as far as may be in a state of readiness for immediate action, and to determine the point on which, in case of need, they could most easily be concentrated in one compact body, fit to be launched in any direction where its presence would be most required.

It would be superfluous to enter into all the details of his mission ; my mind tells me that he carries with him a conviction as profound as our own, of the exist- ence of a conformity as auspicious as it is complete, in the ideas, aims, and determination of our respective monarchs. During the whole of his stay, General Orloff showed himself worthy of the reputation which had preceded him hither. The noble frankness with which he entered into the discussion necessitated a corresponding tone in my explanations to him.

Both of us were thus actuated by the sole desire of arriving at a mutual understanding, and I feel, for my part, that this object was attained. In order to assist the General in the task of making his august master unreservedly acquainted with the ideas of our own, I have drawn out, in a statement of which I have the honour to transmit you herewith a copy No. If any chance of safety still remains for Europe, it is our profound conviction that it can only be found in the course we have indicated.

I still have briefly to bring before your Excellency the judgment we have formed on the situation of the various parts of Europe, which are most exposed, from their geographical position, to the dangers emanating from that central hotbed of all evil I mean France.

The revolution in the Netherlands is accomplished. The King has no further means of resisting what has, in great measure, been brought about by himself. Holland will remain faithful to him, and his Majesty will have a guarantee of her fidelity in the national hatred borne by this part of his kingdom to that which has just effected its separation. The state of things we now see in Belgium has long been preparing ; it is the premeditated work of factions whose cause has been served only too well by the Government.

The political side of this question is of the most serious nature, and I shall handle it in a work, which, considering the critical circumstances of the case, will further demand special consideration on the part of the Emperor. In that country the majority of the States have been undermined by Liberalism. Revolts have broken out in various directions. The north of Germany was the first to be attacked by them, a fact explained by the passion for reforms more prevalent, as a rule, among the bulk of the peoples forming that portion of the Federation, than those of the south.

Not one of these revolts, however, but has been imported, like some article of commerce, from the great centre of all revolu- tionary movements. Italy is still quiet, but it would be dangerous to allow ourselves to be deceived by a tranquillity which is more apparent than real. Two causes are at work to influence the condition of affairs in that part, of the world.

The first is the cowardice inherent in the in- habitants of the Peninsula ; the second, the absence of directions from the supreme revolutionary tribunal of Paris. Your Excellency will see by my despatch of to- day what line of action we have adopted in regard to those countries. In this picture, Ambassador, there is no exaggeration ; on the contrary, everything is in strict conformity with truth.

The truth is quite mournful enough, without its being necessary to paint it in more vivid colours for the sake of bringing it into clearer relief. I must go back a little, in order to give you a clear idea of our attitude at the present critical juncture. The day after my arrival at Konigswart, I received, by way of Frankfort, the decrees of the 25th July. This decided me at once to rejoin the Emperor, and the fifth day after my arrival at home, I once more set out in the direction of Carlsbad, with the purpose of meeting the Vice- Chancellor.

I found him in a state of astonishment impossible to describe. Strongly disposed to attribute the whole calamity merely to the downfall of the Martignac Ministry and the action taken by Prince Polignac, he nevertheless could not but admit the inference that a shock, such as had just precipitated the throne of the Bourbons, could only be the last result of forces which had long been at work.

Incapable of really forming a clear idea of this terrible calamity, and aroused by the event even from a long slumber of distrust, and a repose deeply imbued with Liberal tendencies, it ap- peared to me a task of little difficulty to induce him to adopt many of my views.

A plenum discharges itself easily into a vacuum. Of two propositions, however, which I made to the Y ice- Chancellor, I could only induce him to accept one. My second pro- position related to the method in which those principles should be demonstrated by the Courts. With this view, I proposed that we should mutually agree not to take any steps for recognising the new order of things in France, until an understanding had been arrived at on the subject between our Court and those of Russia and Prussia, and I suggested Berlin since that capital is the easiest of access as the centre at which the concert would have to be arranged.

Count Nesselrode protested vigorously against this idea, and in fact against that of any formal understanding between our Courts. The arguments on which he based his reluctance were all drawn from the opinion he had formed on the decision of the Emperor Nicholas, to abstain entirely from any interference in foreign affairs. I replied that so far as that went, the Emperor of Austria thought exactly like the Emperor of Russia.

All this proves that what has taken place in France at first impressed the Emperor quite differently from his Minister ; it is thus quite clear that the latter had no notion previously of his master's ideas. I was about to send off a courier to you with these opinions, and directions to enter into ulterior explana- tions with the Russian Cabinet, when we were informed of the unexpected arrival of Count Orloff.

I at once, without hesitation, determined to await this Ambassador, before sending you detailed instruction. Certain before- hand of the course you would pursue, I felt it would be needless to lay down rules for your conduct which you.

The basis laid down and expounded at Carlsbad, seemed to me sufficient to satisfy all requirements to begin with, until such time as Count Orloff's language should have enabled me to form a definite judgment on the moral attitude of the Emperor of Russia. One of the General's favourite ideas seems to be that of an interview between the two Emperors.

The arrival of Marshal Diebitsch had put the Prussian Cabinet into a great fright. The attitude assumed by the garrison of Berlin during the four days of a rising, the exact nature of which is still unknown, and a continually growing sense of great and imperative necessities, resulted in exercising a salutary influence on the minds of the Ministry.

The Marshal's conduct has been marked throughout by firmness, tact, and discre- tion. General Oiioff observed to me one day, ' See how one is mistaken ; the Emperor, in sending me to Vienna, thought he was entrusting me with the mission of difficulty, whereas it has fallen to the Marshal's share. The one great point, the paramount object at this moment, is the creation of a real solidarity between the Powers, and that is not possible unless the Courts. In speaking, however, of a central point, I do not exclude conferences in places pointed out by some special requirement.

I admit, for instance, that any profitable discussion on the lamentable Belgian diffi- culty could only be held at the Hague or in London. Count Sedlnitzky has already had the honour of submitting to your Majesty the announcement, received this day from Lemberg, of the discovery of a revolutionary plot at Warsaw. I have this moment received the enclosed report of the charge-d 1 affaires at Cracow, containing the first news of a revolution, which broke out on the evening of November 29, in Warsaw.

How much of all this is true? That is the next thing to find out ; but in these times one must always expect the worst. I avail myself of the departure of a courier despatched by Baron Maltzahn to forward you the present despatch.

Palace, in order to get possession of the Grand Duke Constantine, dead or alive. They forcibly broke through all opposition, but found the apart- ments of the Grand Duke empty, he having taken refuge with the Russian troops. The Polish troops were for the most part disaffected. Even the townspeople sympathised with the insurgents, and the crowd took posses- sion of the arms at the arsenal, the doors of which had been burst open.

The Russian troops withdrew from the city. The reports addressed by that Ambassador to his Court, subsequent to our having been informed of the Polish insurrection, cannot have failed to give the Prussian Cabinet an accurate idea of the impression produced us by this fresh disaster, and the measures which the Emperor has deemed it his duty to take at so serious a juncture.

Within a few days we shall have in Galicia itself and upon the frontiers of that province, a force of more than fifty thousand men. Up to this moment no movement has taken place among the inhabitants of Galicia. You will perceive however, from our having collected the troops above mentioned, that we consider ourselves exposed to the possibility of internal disturbance.

We are as yet unable to pronounce an opinion on the causes which have led to the Warsaw revolution. Various reasons, however, combine to induce us to admit that it may have originated from certain unfore- seen circumstances, instead of being the result of a boldly preconceived and carefully arranged plan.

The most striking figure of the day, the Dictator Chlopicki, has long been pointed out to us as a dangerous man, and one endued with the qualities of a party leader.

Is he the one who has secretly prepared and directed the outbreak? Will he be able to maintain his position? Time alone will show. I look upon it as a fact of the greatest importance that our Court and that of Berlin have determined upon following the same line of conduct ; occupying thus a similar position, the two Courts, between whom a good. I have the honour to submit to your Majesty, without loss of time, the reports which have reached me this evening, by courier, from Warsaw, Cracow, and Lemberg.

From their contents I draw decidedly favourable inferences, which I found on the following short propositions :. In Warsaw, the revolution is at a stand-still, and a revolution which stands still contradicts its own nature. The Dictator wishes to introduce order where there is only room for ungoverned violence.

Revolution is in- compatible with order and moderation. From Cracow there is no news; thus, on the long line from Warsaw to Cracow nothing is to be seen but peaceful levies of troops or men joining the colours. This stamps the outbreak and its consequences as a political war. Count Lobkowitz pledges his word there will be no outbreak in Galicia. No hostile bands will penetrate into your Majesty's territory. This is an unavoidable error on the Dictator's part, but it is none the less to our advantage.

Orders have been given to carry out the Governor's wishes in every respect; your Majesty has therefore done all that was incumbent on you. Of the probability of the Lithuanian army remaining loyal Count Lobkowitz can form no opinion. The fact of the Grand Duke having thrown himself upon its pro- tection seems to me, at any rate, to prove that he must count upon its fidelity.

Affairs in Poland begin to be more intelligible than they could possibly be during the first moments of the outbreak. Every day and every fresh fact goes to prove that the rising of the 29th November was the attempt of a mob of students and the cadets of the Military School, and that the insurrection Avould never have degenerated into a revolution had measures, which the fidelity of the troops rendered not only possible but easy, been taken at the right moment.

Much of the blame seems to lie at the door of the Grand Duke, whom public opinion censures as having failed in resolution. The condition and organisation of the kingdom of Poland have, on their part, quickly and inevitably reduced the revolution to a mere political question, a quarrel to be fought out between Poland and Russia. It has thus become a matter of necessity for patriotic enthusiasm seriously to estimate the relative strength of the two contending parties. The Russian provinces once belonging to Poland not having joined the revolt, the result of this numerical calculation is not in favour of the insurgent kingdom.

Lithuania, Yolhynia, Galicia, and the Grand Duchy of Posen not only continue to enjoy perfect tranquillity, but, up to this moment, not a single insurrectionary symptom has appeared. It was not till the evening of December 7 that the Emperor of Russia received the first tidings of the out- break at Warsaw. As our official reports do not go beyond that date, we take from a private letter, emanat-. On the 8th December, St. George's Day, the Emperor Nicholas personally communicated the tidings of the outbreak at Warsaw to his army, making use of the following terms :.

Shall we permit this? I rely on you, on your patriotism. You may trust in me! The Emperor Alexander declared that he would not lay down his arms so long as an enemy remained in the country, and the nation kept the pledge.

I declare that I will not sheathe my sword so long as this blood remains unavenged. Peace to those who wish peace ; death to rebels and assassins! The first troops despatched towards the western frontiers of the Empire, in pursuance of previous dis- positions, exceed a hundred and fifty thousand men. They are distributed in six corps, and are in a con- dition to undertake operations against the kingdom of Poland before the loth January. The Emperor lias apparently given orders that the army should be reinforced by nearly a hundred thousand men.

We may therefore look for great events in that quarter during the next month. One or other of two alternatives must take place; either the leaders of the revolution leaders who have been improvised, like the revolution itself will throw themselves on the monarch's generosity, or Poland will be exposed to the horrors of war.

There is the third alternative of the revolution spreading, but in the present posture of affairs this appears the least probable of all. The courier despatched by Count Ficquel- mont on the 14th instant, and to whom you entrusted your letter of the 21st, arrived here in the course of last night. This is the first news which has come direct from St. Petersburg subsequent to the Polish revolu- tion.

The moral attitude of the Emperor Nicholas appears to us to be excellent. To unite unshaken firmness with wisdom in the choice of measures and vigour in carrying them out, is all that should or could be demanded of the monarch and the man. The justice of the cause which his Imperial Majesty is called upon to defend is patent ; the most audacious theories could not vindicate what has recently occurred in Poland, and the thesis that insurrection is the most sacred of duties not as yet forming part of the code of civilisation, except with those who have already employed that fictitious prin- ciple, or those who seek to make capital out of it, a moral force of very decided character ought, in so flagrant a case as the present, to come to the support of the material force which the Emperor will be enabled to employ for the maintenance of his just rights.

The news that reaches us from Warsaw and Cracow tends to prove to us that the opinion which the Cabinet of Berlin is. We take the same view of things as they do in Prussia. The kingdom of Poland, from its first creation, has appeared to us neither more nor less than a powder- magazine.

A spark must have reached it sooner or later ; therefore, when we heard of the explosion, the one feeling we did not experience was that of surprise. During the first moments we were in uncertainty as to the exact nature of the occurrence. Each day and each fresh fact shows us more clearly that the fruit has been plucked before it was ripe. I have been in too many and various relations with him not to be able to form some estimate of his character ; an estimate, as it seems to me, justified by the events of his life.

Louis Philippe, with many undeniable good qualities, had faults which were not counteracted by his education. On the contrary, they were stimulated and developed by those whose special task it should have been to with- draw the children of Philippe Egalite from the influence, never wholly obliterated, which the example of their father and the anomalous condition of France at that time, could not fail to exercise upon them.

This prince had inherited, together with the name of Orleans, that captious spirit of opposition to the reigning branch of the House of Bourbon, which during the last century distinguished the Orleans family.

As he was born in , the same coternporary influences affected us both; nor was there a single incident of his life that escaped my notice.

I was in correspondence with him when he wished to enter the Imperial army in , in order to fight against Napoleon. Marriage and honeymoon.

Reception by the Emperor. Insurrections in Italy. Birthday of the Emperor. Home topics. News from France and Italy. Apprehensions of war. Conversation with Maison. Affairs in the Papal States. France and Turkey. Dwernicki's infringement of neutrality.

The Prince's birth- day. The Prince's memoirs. Physical sufferings. Domestic happiness. The Prince's revenge. Devotional exercises. Critical days. At Baden. Gentz and the Prince's memoirs. Blowing babbles. Projected removal to Baden. Despatch for the King of Prussia.

Louis Philippe's speech from the throne. January 30, my wedding-day. I began the day by confessing to Father Schmitt ; after- wards we all received the communion with my father in the Schottencapelle.

Clement came in the morning and brought me my diamonds, which are charming and beautifully set. We dined at Clement's at six with Adela and Wilhelm Taxis, after which I dressed, putting on the lace-trimmed dress, diamonds, veil, and myrtle- flowers, which Aunt Lichnowsky sent me from Graz. This attention touched me deeply. A number of people had come to see me.

I begged my parents for their blessing, and then we proceeded to the Xuncio's. There were more than ninety persons. The Nuncio, who married us, delivered a very fine discourse. The ceremony did not last too long ; in short, everything went off as well as could be. I did my best to make a good impression on all, and everyone was most kind to me. We supped enfamille; afterwards mamma accompanied me to my new house.

God grant me all I require to make him happy! February 1. He spoke much of Clement, begged me to make him happy, and naturally bestowed great praise on him, saying repeatedly, ' He forgives all his enemies and never cherishes any ill-feeling against them.

February 5. We went to a musical entertainment at Louis Szechenyi's house. Young Thalberg, the adopted son, as it is called, of Prince Dietrichstein, played the clavier. He has incredible talent, a most pleasing execution and wonderful readiness. Louis Szechenyi ended with short German songs, which greatly delighted Leontine. February Clement was awoke by half-a-dozen couriers, who brought bad news from Italy.

Ferrara and Bologna are already in open revolt. Clam came to breakfast ; he had just arrived from Italy, where he had passed through Mantua, and seen the Duke. The latter was fully resolved to defend himself and hold his own. I put forth my best endeavours to do honour to my reputation as a good wife, but did not altogether succeed to my own satisfaction.

The Nuncio drank to the health of our good Emperor, who was waited on by a deputation of the townspeople this morning, asking permission to play beneath his windows, and to pass in procession through the city shouting vivat, in order that they might see him.

The Emperor replied that he could not permit this to take place in the city, as no regiment had a similar privilege ; but that if they would station themselves at St. Stephen's Square, he would drive thither in his carriage.

The shouts that greeted him were as hearty as they were unanimous. To-day I breakfasted alone with Clement for the first time since my marriage.

He spoke much on business, and initiated me into all his views and plans. I was astounded at my excessive ignorance. I should like to get to understand him at the first word, to be of use to him in every way, to follow his discus- sions, and be able to enter into them myself; in a word, I should like to be more than merely a loving wife, which is certainly a far too easy task.

Gentz interrupted our conversation. March 2. Clement told me he was satisfied with the news from Paris, as the Ministry had admitted, in answer to his last important despatch, that it was quite permissible for Austria to interfere in the affairs of Italy, and not give in to the false principle of non-intervention ; a sure proof that France, so far from desiring war, dreads it.

This news did not come to him officially, but he is very pleased at it. In the evening he talked in the most interesting manner over the events of the day, and continued the conversation when we were alone. What a wonderful man he is! God preserve him to me and to the world! March Gentz and Clement are more than ever disturbed at what is going on in the world.

I delight in hearing them talk together, for the former, w r ith all his whims, has a fund of wit, which is never at a loss. In England, things seem to be going rather badly ; and the worst of it is that my poor Clement, after having been at the utmost pains to devise a plan embracing the only means of safety open to us, finds no one to support him, but is thwarted at every turn.

I dined at home with General Mazzu- chelli, who was very entertaining. He is uncommonly droll, and of an excitable, amiable disposition. He spoke earnestly about Italy, whence he has just come. According to him the Piedmontese army is not to be trusted, and I am quite of the same opinion. I found Clement sad and thoughtful ; things iii France give him great anxiety, and he anticipates war. I cannot tell how it is, but in the depth of my heart I do not feel any anxiety ; I feel God will have pity on us.

The conversation this evening turned on battles, and the various effects produced by cannon-balls. This discussion was hardly calculated to impress the mind with the prospect of a peaceful future. April 2. Maison had a long conversation with Clement. He admits to the full our superiority at the present moment, and laments the follies which have. His own wish is they should give up their warlike projects there, but he believes there is no real likelihood of it. He has as yet received no formal despatches from Paris, but expects them at any moment.

They are sure to contain threats for us, should we fail to respond to the proposal at once to withdraw our troops from the Papal States, and, in concert with France, guarantee the freedom and tran- quillity of the Pope.

Things once set in order in Italy, and the Pope reinstated in all his rights, our presence there is no longer needful, and we should only conflict w r ith France in the event of her making common cause with a new revolution in Italy. In this way, and with God's blessing on my husband's wise and honest plans, we shall obtain a peace which will assure his fame for all time, for it required more than wisdom to attain this end.

April 4. We have good news. By a despatch from Paris, Clement learns that even before the receipt of our last despatches, the Ministry were taking lower ground, and seeking to allay the irritation which they feared might have been aroused on our part by their arrogant tone. At any rate I have the satisfaction of perceiving clearly that we imbue them with proper respect, and that they are decidedly moderating then' pretensions. Our position is a splendid one, while they stand ex- posed on every side and in the eyes of all Europe.

April I was with Clement for an hour, and read some papers out to him. Among them were some im- portant despatches from Constantinople.

They announce that France has declared to Turkey her intention of making war upon Russia and Austria, and her expecta- tion that the Porte will place itself entirely on her side and declare war immediately against both Powers.

Turks, however, are cunning 1 , and replied that they were accustomed to look upon such intimations from French Ambassadors as exaggerations. Their reputation seems made. Clement received a gracious note from the Emperor, conferring on him the Grand Cross of the Order of St.

Stephen, set in diamonds, for the successful termination of affairs in Italy. This mark of recognition gives him little pleasure, since, as he says, it will be looked upon with disapproval by so many. My breakfast-hour passed in the most agreeable manner. Clement and Gentz discussed the mistakes that were made when Stadion, Cobenzl and Colloredo had the management of affairs.

The poison of the Revolution was even then spreading among us. All Clement said was of. He told me, however, that all these facts were mentioned in his memoirs, which would shortly be put into my hands. If one could only find time to talk with him! After mass I went into the garden to prepare for a festivity for Clement on the 15th. Two pieces have been chosen, and the players appointed.

They want me to take one of the parts, and I will do so if I can. The theatre is in the garden ; the place is excellently adapted for a small festivity. God grant that everything go well and give him pleasure! I shall have music in short, everything that may ensure him a cheerful evening.

May G. Clement was with me a moment to say that Dwernicki had laid doAvn his arms ; while fighting with the Russians he had passed over into our territory. He and his Poles and five thousand Russians with them were disarmed at the same time, and remained under. The Russians were sent back over the frontier ; it is now, however, thought that this affair will soon be over.

May This evening I had a really ridiculous number of people. I give no names, for the whole town was there, so that I realty felt quite confused.

They brought Clement congratulations for his birthday to- morrow. I had stupidly forgotten to order a supper, which had at least this advantage, that all the guests went away very early. All my festive plans and surprises for Clement vanished into air. I had nothing for him but simple congratulations, though indeed they came straight from a loving heart. But he made me feel, with the most touching kindness, that he needed nothing beyond myself to make him happy.

Clement was seized with the idea of going to the Leopold stadt theatre to see Schuster. We enjoyed ourselves very much, and after returning home had very few visitors, and none of those troublesome ones, so that Clement felt in the humour to talk on all kinds of subjects.

He spoke much of Napoleon, and the three interviews he had with him, each of which lasted seven hours. He also returned to the subject of his memoirs, which he wishes one day to give to the world. He has, he declares, entrusted their revision to Gentz, who, how- ever, has always shown an unwillingness to undertake the task.

It is absolutely needful that I should myself take up the work with zeal and interest, and, should it be needful, induce Gentz to assist me. I beg him to give me another physician, if he will only cease to torment himself, for that is what really makes life unhappy. Marenzellei' is much inclined to think I may be in an interesting condition, and this opinion, indefinite as it is, gives me patience to wait and to take as much care of myself as possible. May God listen to my wishes and prayers, more particularly as this will complete Clement's happiness and give me a fresh claim on his love!

June 6. This morning I saw my family ; afterwards Richard came to me. Clement also came and had a long talk with me, kind and thoughtful as usual. He cannot pass a moment with me without speaking of serious things, of the business with which he is occupied in a word, of everything that interests him so deeply, and his confidence touches me. In the evening came the Princess Kaunitz and a few gentlemen, among whom was Marmont.

He had a long conversation with Clement about the fortifications and towers of Linz. I found I could not do better than go to bed, and was very much astonished to see Clement come up so late. He kept from me that he had had a severe fright, and that little Richard had been attacked by croup.

June A young Frenchman, editor of the Journal des Debate has arrived here. He is a bitter opponent of my husband and of his policy. Clement invited him at once to dinner ; that is so like his way of revenging himself!

I confessed to Father Schmitt, who ad- ministered the communion to me at his own house, as he considered the weather too bad to permit of my going to the church.

He had a long talk with me ; he is so. I felt constrained to this exercise of devotion, because I wished to offer up my thanks to God for the new bless- ing He vouchsafes me.

Clement was waiting for me at home ; we breakfasted together, and he had a very interesting conversation with Gentz. July 1. In spite of a fearful storm, Clement and I set out, at eleven o'clock, on the way to Baden.

My husband wished to speak to the Emperor. In political affairs, he can look nowhere without finding cause for anxiety. One really does not see in what way things are to take a more favourable turn. We are threatened with terrible crises, and I see no outlet. Clement was with the Emperor till three. The events which are impending inspire Clement with mournful forebodings for me and everything he holds dear. May God preserve us from the misfortunes which threaten us!

My poor husband was so kind, so loving and tender. For my part, I thank God that he finds in me a consolation for so many griefs and anxieties. July 4. The cholera is raging violently in Hungary. Clement was very uneasy. This terrible scourge, coming upon us as it does at the very moment when our efforts were exclusively demanded to make head against the moral cholera, is a fearful addition to our anxieties. At Pesth they have taken away the bridge of boats, in order to cut off all communication.

Meanwhile, Raoul Bushman collaborates with a mysterious mental patient only referred to as "Patient 86", who becomes an avatar of Ra and calling himself the Sun King.

Together they come up with a plot to kill Moon Knight. Moon Knight is given psychedelic drugs and eventually is forced to face off with Sun King. Khonshu suggest to Moon Knight that maybe Sun King only believes he is the avatar of Ra and if Marc Spector is truly the avatar of Khonshu, he should be able to manifest powers.

Moon Knight is able to overpower Sun King and Bushman escapes. Afterewards, Marlene tended to his injuries. Charlie Huston , writer of the re-launch of Moon Knight , attempted to answer the criticism that Moon Knight is an ersatz Batman in an interview with Comixfan. Huston accepted that the two characters had their similarities, but went on to contrast the two by noting in particular differences in origin, motives, and personality.

Thus, while Batman is motivated by vengeance for the wrong done to his parents, Marc Spector is motivated by vengeance as a concept. Huston further notes that Bruce Wayne, Batman's alter ego, takes on other personalities merely to aid in his fight. However, Moon Knight has three alter egos which aid him as much in dealing with personal demons as fighting law-breakers, and which have taken a further psychological toll of causing dissociative identity disorder.

In the question of his sanity, Spider-Man remarked "Mooney. Rhymes with loony". Over the course of his life as a boxer, U.

Marine , mercenary, and costumed superhero, Marc Spector has become an expert at hand-to-hand combat techniques and martial arts such as boxing , [] kung fu , eskrima , judo , [] karate , ninjutsu , savate , [] and Muay Thai.

He is an Olympic-level athlete and a skilled acrobat and gymnast and excels as a combat strategist. He is skilled with most weapons and an expert with throwing weapons. Spector is a superb driver and can pilot a helicopter. Taskmaster , who has the ability to copy and replicate anyone's fighting style, has stated that he prefers not to copy Moon Knight's style, as Moon Knight would rather take a punch than block it. Spector gained his superhuman powers as a result of a visitation by the Egyptian moon god Khonshu.

Moon Knight's strength, endurance, and reflexes are enhanced depending upon the phases of the moon. It's not known how much of this strength is mystical and how much is simply the result of self-hypnosis due to his psychological instability.

At some unspecified point in time Moon Knight is thought to have lost these powers he is last seen using his lunar superstrength while in the West Coast Avengers, a team he leaves in Due to his multiple personalities, he is also resistant to some psychic attacks and sometimes receives prophetic visions. Moon Knight is shown to possess a very high tolerance for pain such as ignoring a crossbow bolt fired into his shoulder by Taskmaster, [] as well as when he receives a bullet wound through his leg while only letting off a slight grunt of pain.

During the Charlie Huston run of Moon Knight, the Profile , an amoral profiler-for-hire with the possibly mutant power to instinctively analyse and predict the actions of anyone he observes, claims that his abilities do not function correctly on "supernaturals" and that Marc is physically painful for him to look at while wearing the "vestments" that make up his costume.

He offers the explanation that either Khonshu is real and his presence interferes with the Profile's abilities or Marc is so crazy that it is tantamount to magic and his sheer belief in Khonshu is enough to disrupt the Profile. During Volume 2, Moon Knight is given special weapons by the cult of Khonshu, [] including bolas , golden throwing crescent-darts shaped like scarabs , an ivory boomerang, throwing irons, an axe-shaped lasso-grapple, and a golden ankh that glowed in the presence of danger that can be used as a throwing weapon or bludgeon.

These items are later replaced with duplicate weapons crafted by Hawkeye. During the events of Marc Spector: Moon Knight, his silver-white costume includes adamantium for greater protection, and he acquires an array of high-tech weaponry including an adamantium staff, a truncheon capable of firing a cable line, and gauntlets that fire crescent darts.

During the events of " Dark Reign ," Moon Knight vows never to murder again, and hires Tinkerer to upgrade his gear. Moon Knight's costume uses carbonadium as armor, and has joint-locking functions, allowing him to support weights far greater than he can normally lift. For transportation, Moon Knight employs a variety of sophisticated aircraft.

These include the Mooncopter and Angelwing, featuring VTOL vertical take-off and landing , a rope ladder, and 20 mm cannons. Later, Moon Knight utilizes a remote-controlled white limousine when acting as "Mr.

Moon Knight has considerable financial resources to fund his operations; however, he has had some occasional difficulties in the past considering major unexpected expenses considering he is "cash poor": much of his wealth is tied up in physical investments such as fine art and business interests, which are difficult to liquidate for cash quickly.

Spector consults his accountant on the matter, who tells him that acquiring that much cash on such short notice is simply impossible. As such, Spector decides he has no choice but to rescue Marlene himself.

While Moon Knight has several recurring villains of other heroes such as Bullseye and Taskmaster , he has also accumulated his own rogues gallery of villains that rarely appear outside of his own self-titled books.

Moon Knight's enemies include:. The one-shot Manifest Destiny March introduced a female Marvel version of Moon Knight, fighting crime in the lunar city of Attilan. This version of the character also appears in issue 14 of Spider-Man A little more of his backstory is uncovered as well, still following Khonshu and still suffering from multiple personalities.

He then murders the majority of the Multiverse's alternate versions of Moon Knight. In Marvel Zombies , Moon Knight is one of the superheroes infected by the zombie plague. Previously he had been part of the resistance organized by Nick Fury , but presumably turned into one of the zombies in a later battle. He is later killed by Deadpool, who appears on the Marvel Zombies Earth and cuts his head off. In his fight against Electro, Moon Knight was electrocuted into a state of unconsciousness.

This version is similar in appearance to the Khonshu statue that Marc Spector worshiped in the past. He can be seen holding a staff that has a crescent moon at the top. The "personalities" of Steven Grant, Marc Spector, Moon Knight, an unnamed red-headed little girl, and Ronin interact through internal monologue.

It is also noted that he has a form of dissociative identity disorder. He lives with his girlfriend Marlene Alraune who displays knowledge of his Moon Knight identity. Although gravely wounded, Moon Knight subdues Elektra with a moon-blade to Elektra's head before slipping into a coma. Upon waking up, Moon Knight escapes from custody and engages in a fight with the Punisher , Spider-Man , and Daredevil.

After the battle, Daredevil invites Moon Knight to join an organization of superheroes with the goal of bringing down the Kingpin. The idea of turning 'Ronin' into the main persona is made by the Grant and Spector personalities who oppose the Moon Knight persona and the small girl persona's concerns. In doing so, they create a far more ruthless personality who the Kingpin would find suitable.

Moon Knight himself is angered by this decision, but is seemingly destroyed by the Ronin personality. This provides a charge for the police to arrest the Kingpin, but he has to reveal his secret identity for a charge to be placed. It also seems that the Moon Knight persona is still alive after the Ronin persona decides to wake him up. It's actually stated that Marc Spector has been dead from the beginning, and just as the moon reflects light, Spector has been "reflecting" the form of a living man, making him effectively immortal.

During the " Secret Wars " storyline, different versions of Moon Knight reside in the different Battleworld domains:. In near death is revived from the Master Weaver by a Spider to be his avatar and is given spider-powers, but splitting his personality into four.

With his newfound powers he fights the crime with the name ArachKnight and is president of his company with his girlfriend Marlene Jane. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. For the upcoming series about the character, see Moon Knight TV series. Fictional superhero. Doug Moench Don Perlin. This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. April June The Marvel Encyclopedia. DK Publishing. ISBN Retrieved The Hollywood Reporter. Retrieved August 23, External link consists of a forum site summing up the top characters of Wizard Magazine since the real site that contains the list is broken".

Wizard magazine. Archived from the original on June 8, Retrieved May 7, Retrieved May 9, April 30, Retrieved July 28, Don Markstein's Toonopedia.

Retrieved 2 April Back Issue! Retrieved 29 January Archived from the original on Marvel Comics. Marc Spector: Moon Knight. The Army of Darkness 5. Behind The Voice Actors. Avengers Assemble. Season 4. Episode January 14, Disney XD. Retrieved May 27, Archived from the original on November 11, Retrieved November 10, Indianapolis, Indiana: Brady Games. Retrieved December 5, Gaming Nexus. Retrieved December 7, Archived from the original on 15 November Retrieved 14 November Archived from the original on 11 May Retrieved 22 November IGN Database.

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Namespaces Article Talk. Views Read Edit View history. Help Learn to edit Community portal Recent changes Upload file. Download as PDF Printable version. Werewolf by Night 32 August Currently: Expert detective Proficient in martial arts and armed combat Utilizes high-tech equipment Formerly: Increased strength, speed, and endurance depending on the lunar cycle. DeMatteis , Terry Kavanagh vol.